From: Travis
Subject:  What If Israel Strikes Iran? John Bolton: WSJ
Date: Saturday, June 13, 2009,

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124467678369503997.html
 What If Israel Strikes Iran? The mullahs would retaliate. But things would
be much worse if they had the bomb. By JOHN R.
BOLTON<http://online.wsj.com/search/search_center.html?KEYWORDS=JOHN+R.+BOLTON&ARTICLESEARCHQUERY_PARSER=bylineAND>
  Whatever
the outcome of Iran's presidential election tomorrow, negotiations will not
soon -- if ever -- put an end to its nuclear threat. And given Iran's
determination to achieve deliverable nuclear weapons, speculation about a
possible Israeli attack on its nuclear program will not only persist but
grow.
So what would such an attack look like? Obviously, Israel would need to
consider many factors -- such as its timing and scope, Iran's increasing air
defenses, the dispersion and hardening of its nuclear facilities, the
potential international political costs, and Iran's "unpredictability."
While not as menacingly irrational as North Korea, Iran's politico-military
logic hardly compares to our NATO allies. Central to any Israeli decision is
Iran's possible response.
 [image: [John R. Bolton]] David Klein
Israel's alternative is that Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile programs
reach fruition, leaving its very existence at the whim of its staunchest
adversary. Israel has not previously accepted such risks. It destroyed
Iraq's Osirak reactor in 1981 and a Syrian reactor being built by North
Koreans in 2007. One major new element in Israel's calculus is the Obama
administration's growing distance (especially in contrast to its
predecessor).
Consider the most-often mentioned Iranian responses to a possible Israeli
strike*:*
*1) Iran closes the Strait of Hormuz*. Often cited as Tehran's knee-jerk
answer -- along with projections of astronomic oil-price spikes because of
the disruption of supplies from Persian Gulf producers -- this option is
neither feasible nor advisable for Iran. The U.S. would quickly overwhelm
any effort to close the Strait, and Iran would be risking U.S. attacks on
its land-based military. Direct military conflict with Washington would turn
a bad situation for Iran -- disruption of its nuclear program -- into a
potential catastrophe for the regime. Prudent hedging by oil traders and
consuming countries (though not their strong suit, historically) would
minimize any price spike.
*2) Iran cuts its o* *wn oil exports to raise world prices. *An Iranian
embargo of its own oil exports would complete the ruin of Iran's domestic
economy by depriving the country of hard currency. This is roughly
equivalent to Thomas Jefferson's 1807 embargo on American exports to protect
U.S. shipping from British and French interference. That harmed the U.S. far
more than the Europeans. Even Iran's mullahs can see that. Another gambit
with no legs.
*3) Iran attacks U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan*. Some Tehran
hard-liners might advocate this approach, or even attacks on U.S. bases or
Arab targets in the Gulf -- but doing so would risk direct U.S. retaliation
against Iran, as many U.S. commanders in Iraq earlier recommended. Increased
violence in Iraq or Afghanistan might actually prolong the U.S. military
presence in Iraq, despite President Barack Obama's current plans for
withdrawal. Moreover, taking on the U.S. military, even in an initially
limited way, carries enormous risks for Iran. Tehran may believe the Obama
administration's generally apologetic international posture will protect it
from U.S. escalation, but it would be highly dangerous for Iran to gamble on
more weakness in the face of increased U.S. casualties in Iraq or
Afghanistan.
*4) Iran increases support for global terrorism*. This Iranian option,
especially stepping up world-wide attacks against U.S. targets, is always
open. Assuming, however, that Mr. Obama does not further degrade our
intelligence capabilities and that our watchfulness remains high, the
terrorism option outside of the Middle East is extremely risky for Iran. If
Washington uncovered evidence of direct or indirect Iranian terrorist
activities in America, for example, even the Obama administration would have
to consider direct retaliation inside Iran. While Iran enjoys rhetorical
conflict with the U.S., operationally it prefers picking on targets its own
size or smaller.
*5) Iran launches missile attacks on Israel*. Because all the foregoing
options risk more direct U.S. involvement, Tehran will most likely decide to
retaliate against the actual attacker, Israel. Using its missile and perhaps
air force capabilities, Iran could do substantial damage in Israel,
especially to civilian targets. Of course, one can only imagine what Iran
might do once it has nuclear weapons, and this is part of the cost-benefit
analysis Israel must make before launching attacks in the first place.
Direct Iranian military action against Israel, however, would provoke an
even broader Israeli counterstrike, which at some point might well involve
Israel's own nuclear capability. Accordingly, Iran's Revolutionary Guards
would have to think long and hard before unleashing its own capabilities
against Israel.
*6) Iran unleashes Hamas and Hezbollah against Israel*. By process of
elimination, but also because of strategic logic, Iran's most likely option
is retaliating through Hamas and Hezbollah. Increased terrorist attacks
inside Israel, military incursions by Hezbollah across the Blue Line, and,
most significantly, salvoes of missiles from both Lebanon and the Gaza Strip
are all possibilities. In plain violation of U.N. Security Council
Resolution 1701, Iran has not only completely re-equipped Hezbollah since
the 2006 war with Israel, but the longer reach of Hezbollah's rockets now
endangers Israel's entire civilian population. Moreover, Hamas's rocket
capabilities could easily be substantially enhanced to provide greater range
and payload to strike throughout Israel, creating a two-front challenge.
Risks to its civilian population will weigh heavily in any Israeli decision
to use force, and might well argue for simultaneous, pre-emptive attacks on
Hezbollah and Hamas in conjunction with a strike on Iran's nuclear
facilities. Obviously, Israel will have to measure the current risks to its
safety and survival against the longer-term threat to its very existence
once Iran acquires nuclear weapons.
This brief survey demonstrates why Israel's military option against Iran's
nuclear program is so unattractive, but also why failing to act is even
worse. All these scenarios become infinitely more dangerous once Iran has
deliverable nuclear weapons. So does daily life in Israel, elsewhere in the
region and globally.
Many argue that Israeli military action will cause Iranians to rally in
support of the mullahs' regime and plunge the region into political chaos.
To the contrary, a strike accompanied by effective public diplomacy could
well turn Iran's diverse population against an oppressive regime. Most of
the Arab world's leaders would welcome Israel solving the Iran nuclear
problem, although they certainly won't say so publicly and will rhetorically
embrace Iran if Israel strikes. But rhetoric from its Arab neighbors is the
only quantum of solace Iran will get.
On the other hand, the Obama administration's increased pressure on Israel
concerning the "two-state solution" and West Bank settlements demonstrates
Israel's growing distance from Washington. Although there is no profit now
in complaining that Israel should have struck during the Bush years, the
missed opportunity is palpable. For the remainder of Mr. Obama's term,
uncertainty about his administration's support for Israel will continue to
dog Israeli governments and complicate their calculations. Iran will see
that as well, and play it for all it's worth. This is yet another reason why
Israel's risks and dilemmas, difficult as they are, only increase with time.
*Mr. Bolton, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, is the
author of "Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending America at the United
Nations and Abroad" (Simon & Schuster, 2007). *







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