bruce,

All that cutting and pasting. I would like to hear what your
definition is, how you use it here. I've no desire to read Mr.
Rothbard's book.

On Jun 19, 2:34 am, bruce majors <[email protected]> wrote:
> It isn't hard to figure out Holly
>
> What would you think it would mean?
>
> Try reading Murray Rothbard
>
> Have you ever noticed that your masters (Tom Dascle, Rahm Emanuel) all make
> millions of dollars selling access to the State between their appointments
> in goverment?
>
>  *The Great Society: A Libertarian Critique*
>
> *by Murray N. Rothbard<http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard-lib.html>
> by Murray N. Rothbard *
>
>  [image: Save a link to this article and return to it 
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>
> DIGG 
> THIS<http://digg.com/submit?phase=2&url=http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbar...
> Great Society: A Libertarian Critique&topic=political_opinion>
>
> <http://adserve.lewrockwell.com/www/delivery/ck.php?oaparams=2__banner...>
>
> *First published *in The Great Society Reader: The Failure of American
> Liberalism*, edited by Marvin E. Gettleman and David Mermelstein (New York:
> Vintage, 1967).*
>
> The Great Society is the lineal descendant and the intensification of those
> other pretentiously named polities of twentieth-century America: the Square
> Deal, the New Freedom, the New Era, the New Deal, the Fair Deal, and the New
> Frontier. All of these assorted Deals constituted a basic and fundamental
> shift in American life – a shift from a relatively *laissez-faire *economy
> and minimal state to a society in which the state is unquestionably
> king. 1<http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard40.html#_ftn1>
> In the previous century, the government could safely have been ignored by
> almost everyone; now we have become a country in which the government is the
> great and unending source of power and privilege. Once a country in which
> each man could by and large make the decisions for his own life, we have
> become a land where the state holds and exercises life-and-death power over
> every person, group, and institution. The great Moloch government, once
> confined and cabined, has burst its feeble bonds to dominate us all.
>
> The basic reason for this development is not difficult to fathom. It was
> best summed up by the great German sociologist Franz Oppenheimer;
> Oppenheimer wrote that there were fundamentally two, and only two, paths to
> the acquisition of wealth. One route is the production of a good or service
> and its voluntary exchange for the goods or services produced by others.
> This method – the method of the free market – Oppenheimer termed "the
> economic means" to wealth. The other path, which avoids the necessity for
> production and exchange, is for one or more persons to seize other people's
> products by the use of physical force. This method of robbing the fruits of
> another man's production was shrewdly named by Oppenheimer the "political
> means." Throughout history, men have been tempted to employ the "political
> means" of seizing wealth rather than expend effort in production and
> exchange. It should be clear that while the market process multiplies
> production, the political, exploitative means is parasitic and, as with all
> parasitic action, discourages and drains off production and output in
> society. To regularize and order a permanent system of predatory
> exploitation, men have created the state, which Oppenheimer brilliantly
> defined as "the organization of the political means."
> 2<http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard40.html#_ftn2>
>
> Every act of the state is necessarily an occasion for inflicting burdens and
> assigning subsidies and privileges. By seizing revenue by means of coercion
> and assigning rewards as it disburses the funds, the state *creates *ruling
> and ruled "classes" or "castes"; for one example, classes of what Calhoun
> discerned as net "taxpayers" and "tax-consumers," those who live off
> taxation.3 <http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard40.html#_ftn3>  And
> since by its nature, predation can only be supported out of the surplus of
> production above subsistence, the ruling class must constitute a minority of
> the citizenry.
>
> Since the state, nakedly observed, is a mighty engine of organized
> predation, state rule, throughout its many millennia of recorded history,
> could be preserved only by persuading the bulk of the public that its rule
> has not really been exploitative: that, on the contrary, it has been
> necessary, beneficent, even, as in the Oriental despotisms, divine.
> Promoting this ideology among the masses has ever been a prime function of
> intellectuals, a function that has created the basis for co-opting a corps
> of intellectuals into a secure and permanent berth in the state apparatus.
> In former centuries, these intellectuals formed a priestly caste that was
> able to wrap a cloak of mystery and quasi-divinity about the actions of the
> state for a credulous public. Nowadays, the apologia for the state takes on
> more subtle and seemingly scientific forms. The process remains essentially
> the same.4 <http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard40.html#_ftn4>
>
> In the United States, a strong libertarian and antistatist tradition
> prevented the process of statization from taking hold at a very rapid pace.
> The major force in its propulsion has been that favorite theater of state
> expansionism, brilliantly identified by Randolph Bourne as "the health of
> the state": namely, war. For although in wartime various states find
> themselves in danger from one another, every state has found war a fertile
> field for spreading the myth among its subjects that *they *are the ones in
> deadly danger, from which their state is protecting them. In this way states
> have been able to dragoon their subjects into fighting and dying to save
> them under the pretext that the *subjects *were being saved from the dread
> Foreign Enemy. In the United States, the process of statization began in
> earnest under cover of the Civil War (conscription, military rule, income
> tax, excise taxes, high tariffs, national banking and credit expansion for
> favored businesses, paper money, land grants to railroads), and reached full
> flower as a result of World Wars I and II, to finally culminate in the Great
> Society.
>
> The recently emerging group of "libertarian conservatives" in the United
> States have grasped a part of the recent picture of accelerated statism, but
> their analysis suffers from several fatal blind spots. One is their complete
> failure to realize that war, culminating in the present garrison state and
> military-industrial economy, has been the royal road to aggravated statism
> in America. On the contrary, the surge of reverent patriotism that war
> always brings to conservative hearts, coupled with their eagerness to don
> buckler and armor against the "international Communist conspiracy," has made
> the conservatives the most eager and enthusiastic partisans of the Cold War.
> Hence their inability to see the enormous distortions and interventions
> imposed upon the economy by the enormous system of war
> contracts.5<http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard40.html#_ftn5>
>
> Another conservative blind spot is their failure to identify *which
> groups *have
> been responsible for the burgeoning of statism in the United States. In the
> conservative demonology, the responsibility belongs only to liberal
> intellectuals, aided and abetted by trade unions and farmers. Big
> businessmen, on the other hand, are curiously exempt from blame (farmers are
> small enough businessmen, apparently, to be fair game for censure.) How,
> then, do conservatives deal with the glaringly evident onrush of big
> businessmen to embrace Lyndon Johnson and the Great Society? Either by mass
> stupidity (failure to read the works of free-market economists), subversion
> by liberal intellectuals (e.g., the education of the Rockefeller brothers at
> Lincoln School), or craven cowardice (the failure to stand foursquare for
> free-market principles in the face of governmental power).
> 6<http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard40.html#_ftn6>Almost
> never is
> *interest *pinpointed as an overriding reason for statism among businessmen.
> This failure is all the more curious in the light of the fact that the
> *laissez-faire
> *liberals of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (e.g., the
> Philosophical Radicals in England, the Jacksonians in the United States)
> were never bashful about identifying and attacking the web of special
> privileges granted to businessmen in the mercantilism of their day.
>
> In fact, one of the main driving forces of the statist dynamic of twentieth
> century America has been big businessmen, and this long before the Great
> Society. Gabriel Kolko, in his path-breaking *Triumph of
> Conservatism,*7<http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard40.html#_ftn7>
> * *has shown that the shift toward statism in the Progressive period was
> impelled by the very big business groups who were supposed, in the liberal
> mythology, to be defeated and regulated by the Progressive and New Freedom
> measures. Rather than a "people's movement" to check big business; the drive
> for regulatory measures, Kolko shows, stemmed from big businessmen whose
> attempts at monopoly had been defeated by the competitive market, and who
> then turned to the federal government as a device for compulsory
> cartellization. This drive for cartellization through government accelerated
> during the New Era of the 1920s and ...
>
> read more »
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