US health care lobby pumps millions into Obama’s cost-cutting drive

By Kate Randall
5 August 2009

In the maneuvering surrounding the effort in Washington to enact an
overhaul of the US health care system, the health care industry is
pumping in record amounts of cash to the politicians involved.

In the “debate” over health care, key figures on congressional
committees are being bankrolled by health insurers, while
representatives of hospitals and the pharmaceutical industry are being
consulted at White House meetings.

The health care legislation taking shape reflects these interests.
Through the so-called individual mandate, Americans will be required
to purchase insurance, boosting the already burgeoning profits of the
health insurance companies.

Any responsibility for employers to provide coverage will be
marginalized, with token penalties for noncompliance. And a government-
administered “public option”—if it is indeed even offered—will do
nothing to alter the overall trajectory of the plan as far as ordinary
Americans are concerned. It will be a cut-rate, class-based system
providing inferior, rationed care based on cost-cutting
“efficiencies.”

Obama has pledged that the overriding concern is to contain costs and
craft “budget neutral” legislation. The administration has proposed
slashing more than $600 billion from the Medicare program. It also
wants to establish a Medicare Advisory Council with the power to
determine how much the medical program for the elderly and disabled
pays hospitals for services.

During his presidential campaign, Obama lashed out against the
influence of the drug companies in Washington. In one television ad,
he criticized Billy Tauzin, one of the chief pharmaceutical lobbyists.
Tauzin, a former Louisiana congressmen, played a key role in
preventing Medicare from negotiating lower prices for prescription
drugs.

The Los Angeles Times reports that Tauzin has now “morphed into the
president’s partner. He has been invited to the White House half a
dozen times in recent months.” In an August 4 article, “Obama gives
powerful drug lobby a seat at healthcare table,” the Times writes that
Tauzin “eventually secured an agreement that the administration
wouldn’t try to overturn the very Medicare drug policy that Obama had
criticized on the campaign trail.”

According to the Times, in return for nominally pledging $80 billion
in cost savings over 10 years, the Obama administration has promised
to back off from price-setting on the Medicare Part D drug program as
well as from importing cheaper drugs from Canada or Europe.

The agreement was reportedly hashed out at a White House meeting in
July, a source told the Times. “In attendance were Tauzin, several
industry chief executives—including those from Abbott Laboratories,
Merck and Pfizer—White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel and White
House aides,” the paper notes.

White House spokesperson Linda Douglass made the spurious claim that
the health care legislation would result in a significant reduction in
drug prices, and the administration now felt that importing drugs from
Canada or Europe would “not be necessary.”

Obama praised the pharmaceutical companies last week, calling the
industry’s efforts “quite constructive in this debate.”

In the second quarter of 2009 alone, health care industry lobbying
expenditures reached a record $133 million—higher than any other
sector. Pharmaceutical lobbying accounted for $68 million of this
amount.

On Capitol Hill, lobbyists are courting the key players on five House
and Senate committees who are drafting various versions of the health
care legislation.

During the first three months of this year, as the health care debate
revved up, Democrats took in about 60 percent of money spent by the
health care lobby.

In particular, the lobby has targeted what they consider conservative
Republicans and moderate Democrats, figures that will play central
roles in determining the details of whatever legislation emerges.

On the House Ways and Means Committee, Chairman Charles Rangel (Dem.-
N.Y.) took in $1.6 million from health industry lobbyists and
political action committees (PACs) over the past two years. Dave Camp
(Mich.), the committee’s ranking Republican, got nearly $1 million.
The Ways and Means Committee—along with the Energy and Commerce, and
Education and Labor committees—coauthored the America’s Affordable
Health Choices Act presented in mid-July.

On the Senate Finance Committee, which has yet to present a health
care proposal, Chairman Max Baucus (Dem.-Montana) raked in nearly $1.5
million in 2007-2008 alone from lobbies representing hospitals,
insurers and other health industry interests. Senator Chuck Grassley
of Iowa, ranking Republican on the committee, has received about $2
million since 2003.

The scope of Baucus’s relationship with the health care lobby has been
breathtaking. On May 26, he hosted a dinner at a San Francisco
mansion, at which about 20 individuals coughed up a minimum of $10,000
to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee. The Washington Post
reported that the senator and guests—including top executives from
insurance companies and hospitals—discussed the health care
legislation as protesters marched around outside.

In an effort to deflect criticism, after June 1 Baucus began to
decline contributions from health care PACs. He has continued,
however, to accept donations from health care lobbyists and
executives.

>From 2003 to 2008, the Baucus campaign committee, Friends of Max
Baucus, and his Glacier PAC collected about $3 million from the health
and insurance sectors—about 20 percent of the total given.

Baucus’s corporate contributors have included health care company
Schering-Plough, New York Life Insurance, Amgen, Medtronic, Blue Cross
and Blue Shield, and the Independent Insurance Agents and Brokers of
America, and U.S. Strategies, a company representing health care
firms. Individual corporate donors, such as Richard T. Clark, CEO of
Merck pharmaceuticals, have contributed as well.

Following reelection to his sixth term last November, Baucus hosted
his Eighth Annual Ski and Snowmobile weekend in Big Sky, Montana.
Later that month he held a $10,000-a-table dinner at a Washington
hotel. In late June, for a minimum donation of $2,500, health care
executives and lobbyists could attend his fly-fishing and golfing
weekend, also in Big Sky.

While the health care industry’s unabashed wooing of Senator Baucus
stands out, he is not alone. The health care lobby gave nearly $170
million to Washington politicians in 2007 and 2008, with 54 percent of
this going to Democrats.

The massive monetary support going to the various legislators drafting
the health care “reform” measures is by itself proof of their
reactionary character. The measures are being crafted to ensure a
massive windfall for the various corporate interests involved, while
slashing health care for the vast majority of the population.

A lot is at stake, as far as the health care industry is concerned.
According to Health Care for America NOW, in the past 13 years more
than 400 corporate mergers have involved health insurers, and 94
percent of US insurance markets are now highly concentrated.

In Rhode Island, for example, the top two insurers—Blue Cross Blue
Shield RI and UnitedHealth Group Inc.—control 95 percent of market
share. In Massachusetts, where residents were mandated to obtain
health insurance beginning three years ago, the top two companies
command 67 percent of market share.

Health insurance company profits have skyrocketed, rising 428 percent
from 2000 to 2007, from $2.4 billion to $12.9 billion, according to
Securities and Exchange Commission figures. This growth has coincided
with a 120 percent increase in insurance premiums from 1999 to 2007.

Chief executive income has soared as well. Aetna CEO Ronald A.
Williams took home a compensation package in 2007 valued at $23
million. In this same year, H. Edward Hanway, chief executive at CIGNA
Corp., received $25.8 million.

CEOs at the top 10 publicly traded health insurance companies
collected a combined $118.6 million in compensation in 2007. At an
average of $11.9 million each, this is about 468 times more than the
average American worker made that year—$25,434, according to the U.S.
Census Bureau.

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