Not included is Southern Populism's "Jim Crow laws of the 1890's...
Not on the Liberal agenda but done by the then "Progressive"
Populists...


On Aug 19, 11:20 pm, "\"Lone Wolf\"" <[email protected]> wrote:
> Why is American liberalism bankrupt? A history lesson for New York
> Times columnist Bob Herbert
> By Tom Eley
> 19 September 2008
> New York Times columnist Bob Herbert’s September 9 column “Hold Your
> Heads Up” is a lamentation of US liberalism’s cowardice.
>
> Herbert, himself a liberal, is far from alone in noting the
> submissiveness of liberalism in the face of the Republican right. The
> current campaign of Barrack Obama for the presidency is a case study
> in just such spinelessness and duplicity.
>
> Herbert writes, “Liberals have been so cowed by the pummeling they’ve
> taken from the right that they’ve tried to shed their own identity,
> calling themselves everything but liberal and hoping to pass
> conservative muster by presenting themselves as hyper-religious and
> lifelong lovers of rifles, handguns, whatever.
>
> “So there was Hillary Clinton, of all people, sponsoring legislation
> to ban flag-burning; and Barack Obama, who once opposed the death
> penalty, morphing into someone who not only supports it, but supports
> it in cases that don’t even involve a homicide.”
>
> The obvious question that arises from Herbert’s description of a
> prostrate liberalism and supine Democratic Party—a question that tens
> of millions the world over who hate the Bush administration are asking
> themselves—is why. Why is US liberalism incapable of waging a struggle
> against the right? Or, as Herbert rhetorically puts it, “Why liberals
> don’t stand up to this garbage, I don’t know.”
>
> But Herbert doesn’t tarry on this dilemma. Posing it, he throws up his
> hands and changes the subject—to history. Addressing himself to fellow
> liberals, he presents a version of history in which liberalism has
> been the sole vehicle of social reform.
>
> This reveals a serious misunderstanding of US history. Herbert omits
> the most important elements of historical development: the role of
> economic and social change and the centrality of the independent
> struggles of the working class.
>
> According to Herbert, liberals “from the mightiest presidents to the
> most unheralded protesters and organizers” have been responsible for,
> among other things, Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, civil rights
> and the end of segregation, always fighting tooth and nail against
> conservatives. Where has this golden age of liberalism gone? Herbert
> seems to ask.
>
> In fact, it never existed. The limited reformist achievements that
> Herbert outlines were not the result of liberalism, but of the mass
> social struggles of the working class to which liberalism, under
> certain historical conditions, adapted itself and made grudging
> concessions.
>
> From its origins in the late 18th and early 19th centuries in Europe
> and the United States, liberalism was the ideology of the bourgeoisie.
> Its early political legitimacy rested on its claim to speak for the
> productive elements of the entire nation—in France this was called the
> “Third Estate” of bourgeoisie, peasants and workers—aligned in social
> revolution against feudal elements in society: the royalty, the clergy
> and the landed gentry. Yet, in spite of its claims, from the beginning
> liberalism expressed in politics and economy the aims of the
> bourgeoisie. What this meant in practice was the domination of the
> state by capitalism, the breaking down within the nation of feudal
> barriers to the capitalist market, and the subjugation of the working
> class.
>
> As opposed to European nations, liberalism in the US over the course
> of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century gradually took on a
> social-reformist coloring. After the defeat of the South in the Civil
> War, the liberal vision of the national market triumphed.
>
> This was not precisely a “free market,” but the protection and
> domination of the domestic market by US capitalism. But liberalism’s
> political purchase on middle class elements—the small farmers,
> shopkeepers and professionals—allowed it to simultaneously present
> itself as the defender of democracy against the tyranny of the market,
> a tendency that manifested itself in both the farmers’ Populist
> movement of the 1890s and the Progressive movement of the early 20th
> century, whose ranks were filled with middle-class professionals and
> technical experts.
>
> At the same time, liberalism reacted with hostility to the development
> of the working class and its epic strikes, union movements and
> struggles for socialism which unfolded from the 1870s through the
> 1930s, and which placed a serious challenge before the bourgeoisie and
> a question mark over its political control. The liberal state’s
> response of choice to this challenge from the working class was force:
> the use of private guards, strike-breakers, police, militias and the
> courts to crush strikes and imprison, terrorize or kill the leadership
> of the working class. The class struggle in the US in this period was
> among the most sanguinary in the world.
>
> It must never be forgotten that it was the liberal icon, Woodrow
> Wilson, who imprisoned the leader of US socialism, Eugene Debs, then
> an elderly man, for opposing American entry into World War I. The
> Wilson administration whipped up the first Red Scare in the aftermath
> of the war, and was responsible for the imprisonment and deportation
> of thousands of immigrant radicals.
>
> But, utilizing its democratic elements, liberalism relied on the
> carrot as well as the stick, advancing a limited reformist agenda—
> increasingly through the political mechanism of the Democratic Party—
> and relying upon middle class layers for its social constituency.
>
> During the Great Depression of the 1930s, American capitalism faced a
> mortal crisis. Workers waged massive unionization struggles and
> strikes, very often led by socialists and communists. As an ideology,
> socialism had significant influence on the thinking of workers,
> intellectuals and artists. Given these conditions—the growing
> organized strength of the working class, the threat posed by
> socialism, the economic disaster wrought by the Great Depression—
> Franklin Delano Roosevelt dragged the ruling class, kicking and
> screaming, along a path of a quite limited reformism.
>
> At the height of this crisis, the failure of liberalism was laid bare
> by its own leading philosopher and intellectual, John Dewey, who
> penned a series of lectures delineating its fatal contradiction—that
> between the economic “liberty” of monopoly capitalists to exploit and
> the liberty of the masses to live a full life. What Dewey described
> was in essence the polarization of the Third Estate, or the shattering
> of the bourgeoisie’s claims to speak for the nation.
>
> Dewey recognized that “the tragic breakdown of democracy is due to the
> fact that the identification of liberty with the maximum of
> unrestrained individualistic action in the economic sphere, under the
> institutions of capitalistic finance, is as fatal to the realization
> of liberty for all as it is to the realization of equality.” Dewey
> could think liberalism out of this dilemma, proposing a system of
> public ownership, but he rejected the very existence of a class
> struggle and was opposed to the independent movement of the working
> class. His plans never got off the drawing board.
>
> There is a colossal irony in Herbert’s column. He laments the
> reactionary political climate before which Democratic politicians like
> Obama and Clinton now grovel. However, this climate of reaction and
> ignorance is the end result of a process that liberalism itself set
> into motion with the anticommunist hysteria of the late 1940s and
> early 1950s.
>
> After the end of World War II, US liberalism turned against its allies
> in the Stalinist Communist Party and began a purge of left elements in
> government, organized labor, culture and academia.
>
> This was not because liberalism had become disgusted with the crimes
> of Stalin. On the contrary, during the blood purges of the late 1930s,
> in which Stalin exterminated the entire revolutionary generation in
> the Soviet Union, US liberalism—including its journalistic flagships
> the Nation and the New Republic—defended Stalin and his show trials.
>
> What had changed were the imperialist interests of the United States.
> Liberalism and the Democratic Party broke their alliance with the
> Communist Party and its fellow travelers because the Soviet Union was
> now viewed as the primary obstacle to the unfettered projection of US
> imperialism abroad. This shift caught Stalin and the Communist Party
> in the US unawares. As a token of good faith, they carried on the
> Popular Front-style class subordination of workers to the bourgeoisie
> that had prevailed in the Roosevelt years, even as the earlier
> political alignment came crashing down all around them.
>
> President Harry Truman, another liberal icon, launched the Red Scare
> in 1948 as a means of banishing domestic opposition to the program of
> US imperialism abroad and taming the American working class, which
> emerged in the immediate postwar period more combative than ever. A
> substantial section of the liberal intelligentsia adapted itself to
> the Red Scare and contributed its ideological labor to the project of
> US imperialism, many of its ranks joining the American Committee for
> Cultural Freedom, which was associated with the CIA-funded Congress of
> Cultural Freedom. The role of these organizations was to provide
> intellectual legitimacy to anticommunism, which had hitherto been
> considered a marginal or reactionary outlook.
>
> The enlistment of liberal intellectuals’ labor was not accidental. It
> reflected their class position and the extraordinary wealth of US
> capitalism, which was busy hiring intellectuals in the state
> bureaucracies, saturating the universities with money, and founding
> anticommunist “think tanks” and endowments.
>
> The anticommunist campaign created a toxic cultural and intellectual
> environment. It appealed ...
>
> read more »
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