like Roosevelt’s,
---
bad comparison
Teddy defined Americans with accuracy - Bush became a puppet of the
zionist lobbyists

Bush’s changes were perversions of the clear vision the Founding
Fathers bequeathed to us
----
the founding fathers warned the US against get involved in foreign
disputes - now we've seen that both dems and repubs can be strung-up-
puppets for the jews at AIPAC
some people need killin'

On Dec 11, 10:50 am, "M. Johnson" <[email protected]> wrote:
> How George W. Bush Redefined American FreedombyJames Bovard,Posted December 
> 11, 2009This article originally appeared in the September 2009 edition 
> ofFreedom Daily.George W. Bush is gone from Washington but his legacy, like 
> an abandoned toxic waste dump, lingers on. Like President Franklin Roosevelt 
> before him, President Bush helped redefine American freedom. And like 
> Roosevelt’s, Bush’s changes were perversions of the clear vision the Founding 
> Fathers bequeathed to us.
> What did freedom mean in the era of George Bush? In Iraq in September 2004, 
> the U.S.-created “Camp Liberty,” a tent compound to house Iraqi detainees, 
> was constructed next to the Abu Ghraib prison. (The torture scandal and 
> photos had been revealed in late April.) Maj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller declared 
> that Camp Liberty and other changes in the treatment of Iraqi prisoners were 
> “restoring the honor of America.”
> “Camp Liberty” was typical of the rhetorical strategy of the Bush 
> administration: empty words in lieu of basic decency and honest dealing.
> From the beginning, President Bush invoked freedom to sanctify his war on 
> terrorism. In his Oval Office address on the night of September 11, 2001, 
> Bush declared, “America was targeted for attack because we’re the brightest 
> beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world.” He pronounced 
> authoritatively on the motives of the attackers even before the FBI and CIA 
> knew their identities. He never offered evidence that that was al-Qaeda’s 
> prime motivation.
> Bush rarely missed a chance to proclaim that the war on terrorism was being 
> fought to save freedom either U.S. freedom, or world freedom, or the freedom 
> of future generations. In 2002, he proclaimed, “We are resolved to rout out 
> terror wherever it exists to save the world for freedom.” He contrasted 
> freedom and terror as if they were the two ends of a seesaw. Because terror 
> is the enemy of government, government necessarily becomes the champion of 
> freedom. But this simple dichotomy made sense only if terrorists were the 
> sole threat to freedom.
> Once Bush proclaimed that freedom was his goal, then all opponents 
> automatically became enemies of freedom. In the first presidential 
> candidates’ debate with Sen. John Kerry in 2004, Bush explained away the 
> fierce opposition to the U.S. military in Iraq: “They’re fighting us because 
> they’re fighting freedom.”
> In 1776, “Let Freedom Ring” was a response to the ringing of the Liberty Bell 
> after the signing of the Declaration of Independence. In contrast, those 
> attending the 2004 Republican National Convention waved signs proclaiming, 
> “Let Freedom Reign.” That was the phrase that Bush scrawled on a piece of 
> paper in June 2004 when National Security Adviser Condi Rice informed him 
> that sovereignty in Iraq had been transferred to Iyad Allawi, the former CIA 
> operative Bush had chosen to head Iraq’s government. Supposedly, it took only 
> a mere signing of a piece of paper by the U.S. occupation authority for 
> Iraqis to have sovereignty even though an American puppet remained at the 
> head of the government, and even though U.S. military forces continued 
> bombarding civilians in cities throughout the country.Military power and 
> freedomFor Bush, military power was practically freedom incarnate. He 
> informed Congress in 2002 that the “Department of Defense has become the most 
> powerful force for freedom the world has ever seen.” In his 2002 State of the 
> Union address, after bragging about victories in Afghanistan, he proclaimed, 
> “We have shown freedom’s power.” In an April 2003 speech to workers at the 
> Army Tank Plant in Lima, Ohio, he declared, “You build the weapons you build 
> here because we love freedom in this country.”
> For Bush, the Pentagon budget was perhaps the clearest measure of America’s 
> devotion to freedom. At an April 9, 2002, Republican fundraiser in 
> Connecticut, he bragged that “my defense budget is the largest increase in 20 
> years. You know, the price of freedom is high, but for me it’s never too high 
> because we fight for freedom.” And if the government seized all of every 
> citizen’s paycheck instead of only 38 percent of it and used all the revenue 
> to bankroll foreign military conquests, Americans would have absolute freedom.
> Bush often spoke as if all he needed to do was pronounce the word “freedom” 
> and all humanity was obliged to obey his commands. He declared in July 2003 
> that, because of U.S. military action in Iraq, people were “going to find out 
> the word ‘freedom’ and ‘America’ are synonymous.” Freedom, Iraqi-style, 
> apparently meant giving the U.S. military the right to kill tens of thousands 
> of innocent civilians and to obliterate the core of cities such as Fallujah. 
> But the details of U.S. action in Iraq were irrelevant because of the 
> transcendent goal Bush perennially proclaimed.
> In his 2004 acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention, Bush 
> declared, “I believe in the transformational power of liberty: The wisest use 
> of American strength is to advance freedom.” That was a formal renunciation 
> of much of what America had once stood for. James Madison, the father of the 
> Constitution, warned in 1795, “Of all enemies to public liberty war is, 
> perhaps, the most to be dreaded because it comprises and develops the germ of 
> every other.” But, from Bush’s view, U.S. military aggression is as much a 
> force for liberation as any political or religious ideology ever claimed in 
> the past.Limiting government powerBush declared on the first anniversary of 
> the 9/11 terrorist attacks that “there is a line in our time ... between the 
> defenders of human liberty, and those who seek to master the minds and souls 
> of others.” But if the United States claims the right to attack the people of 
> any foreign regime that refuses to swear allegiance to the latest U.S. 
> definition of freedom or democracy, the world will see America as the 
> aggressor shackling the minds and wills of people around the world.
> The more nations that America attacks in the name of liberty, the more 
> foreigners will perceive America as the greatest threat both to their peace 
> and self-rule. Not surprisingly, Bush’s policies resulted in a collapse in 
> the world’s respect for the United States.
> In the 18th century, “The Restraint of Government is the True Liberty and 
> Freedom of the People” was a common American saying.
> But for President Bush, freedom had little or nothing to do with limits on 
> government power. Bush told a high-school audience in 2002, “I will not 
> letyour Government’s not going to let people destroy the freedomsthat we love 
> in America.” In a 2003 speech at the Bonaparte Auditorium at FBI headquarters 
> in Washington, Bush declared, “For years the freedom of our people were [sic] 
> really never in doubt because no one ever thought that the terrorists or 
> anybody could come and hurt America. But that changed.” Homeland Security 
> Director Tom Ridge reflected the attitude of the Bush administration when he 
> announced, “Liberty is the most precious gift we offer our citizens.” If 
> freedom is a gift from the government to the people, then government can take 
> freedom away at its pleasure.
> Respect for individual rights is the bulwark of freedom. Bush proudly 
> declared in 2003, “No president has ever done more for human rights than I 
> have.” But, in order to defeat terrorists, he claimed the right to destroy 
> all rights by using the “enemy combatant” label. Justice Antonin Scalia 
> rightly noted in 2004, “The very core of liberty secured by our Anglo-Saxon 
> system of separated powers has been freedom from indefinite imprisonment at 
> the will of the Executive.” But this was a luxury that American could no 
> longer afford, at least according to the administration. The Bush 
> administration fought tooth and nail to preserve the president’s boundless 
> power to strip people of all rights on the basis of his mere assertion. The 
> administration continually dragged its feet with respect to obeying Supreme 
> Court decisions that limited the president’s power.
> The Founding Fathers sought to protect freedom by creating a government of 
> laws, not of men. ButBush freedomrequired the president to rise above federal 
> law. The Justice Department advised the White House that the president’s 
> power to authorize torture was not constrained by the federal statute book 
> because of “the President’s inherent constitutional authority to manage a 
> military campaign against al-Qaeda and its allies.” Justice Department memos 
> from Bush’s first term (released this past March) make it stark that the 
> president’s brain trust believed that the Constitution was as archaic and 
> irrelevant as a covered wagon.
> On the home front,Bush freedommeant “free speech zones” where demonstrators 
> were quarantined to avoid tainting presidential photo opportunities.Bush 
> freedommeant allowing the National Security Agency to vacuum up Americans’ 
> email without a warrant.Bush freedommeant entitling the Justice Department to 
> round up the names of book buyers and library users under the USA PATRIOT 
> Act.Bush freedomwas based on boundless trust in the righteousness of the 
> rulers and all their actions. Bush offered Americans the same type of freedom 
> that paternalist kings offered their subjects in distant eras. But Bush’s 
> supposedly lofty intentions were no substitute for the Constitution and the 
> rule of law.
> Freedom must not become simply another term for politicians to invoke to 
> consecrate their power. Rather than stirring patriotic pride, Bush’s 
> invocations of freedom should have set off Americans’ warning bells. It 
> remains to be seen how much lasting damage he has done to Americans’ 
> vocabulary and political understanding.James Bovard is the author ofAttention 
> Deficit Democracy[2006] as well asThe Bush Betrayal[2004],Lost Rights[1994] 
> andTerrorism and Tyranny: Trampling Freedom, Justice and Peace to Rid the 
> World of Evil(Palgrave-Macmillan, September 2003) and serves as a policy 
> advisor for The Future of Freedom Foundation.

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