Go Ron!

On Apr 16, 12:37 pm, "M. Johnson" <[email protected]> wrote:
> Ron Paul and the Libertarian Moment"Freedom in our time" – is it 
> possible?byJustin Raimondo, April 16, 2010
> Thenewsthat a Rasmussen poll hasRep. Ron Paul(R-Texas) running in a dead heat 
> against President Barack Obama in a hypothetical Paul-Obama face-off for the 
> White House has the pundits fuming. Ben Smith,over atPolitico, can hardly 
> contain his annoyance: the poll "is a useful reminder of how totally flaky 
> early polling is," he rants, and "this is the Ron Paul who polled, literally, 
> thousands of votes placing fifth in the Iowa caucuses," and then only 
> breaking ten percent after everyone but McCain had bailed. This evaluation 
> depends on a static model, however: back then, there was nobank bailout, 
> noinsurance industry takeover, notea party movement, and Ron had no real 
> public record to run on – the 2008 campaign, in short, was a way for the 
> country toget to know Rep. Paul, and the Rasmussen poll is a clear indication 
> they liked what they saw. Instead of invoking Paul’s showing in the Iowa 
> caucus, it’s more useful to compare this poll to the results ofanothersimilar 
> Rasmussen poll taken in 2008, in which, as the pollster reported, "For Ron 
> Paul, 10% of all voters would definitely vote for him. Fifty-nine percent 
> (59%) say it’s No, no matter what."
> Voter sentiment is now completely reversed: today, he’s in a dead heat with a 
> sitting President. No matter how hard you try to minimize that, it’s an 
> astonishing fact. 
> What Smith has to say about the perils of early polling would normally be 
> accepted as beyond dispute: after all remember whenFred Thompsonwasthe man to 
> beatfor the GOP nomination? However, we are not living in normal times, which 
> I define as any period when Americans abandon their traditional attitude 
> toward politics: i.e. indifference bordering on contempt. These days, the 
> indifference has given way to not only awareness but also to active 
> engagement, and the contempt for politicians has turned into aburning hatred, 
> i.e. the very stuff and fuel of politics.
> What makes it possible for Paul to ride this untamed mare is that he isn’t a 
> politician at all: he is, in fact, the archetypalanti-politician, a 
> professorial figure wholectures Republicanson the gravity of their fiscal and 
> foreign policy sins, and is about as charismatic as plain oatmeal served 
> without milk and sugar. What’s more, he tells the public what politicians 
> have been loath to tell their constituents, and that isthe necessity of 
> deflationand the bearing of economic pain. InPaul’s view, the economic 
> bubblegenerated by the Federal Reserve’s inflationary policies has led to the 
> current downturn, andnothing lessthan gritting our teeth, cutting spending 
> radically, and allowing the market to correct itself from government-induced 
> distortions, is the cure. 
> His message, in short, iseat your spinach– not something any politician who 
> hopes to keep his job (or get one) would normally say. But then again, as I 
> said above, these are not normal times: far from it. The crisis of the 
> American republic is acute, as we teeteron the brink of bankruptcyand our 
> overseas empire showseverysignofimploding, just like the old Soviet Union – 
> and, what’s more, the American people know it. 
> As ourcorporatist mastersfeast on our tax dollars in Washington, out in the 
> provinces voters faced with economic ruin are looking for some explanation, 
> aconceptual frameworkthat gets at the root of the problem and provides some 
> solution. Paul’s rising popularity is due to the fact that he does indeed 
> have aconsistent philosophical approach, one that has propelled him from 
> being a mere marginal figure – a "gadfly," as they said – to a very real 
> contender. Yes, that’s right, I said a contender for the White House: it’s 
> real, it’s possible, and here’s why.
> Paul has consistently emphasized two themes that successfully capture the 
> sentiments of the average American voter, and address the top two issues on 
> their minds: 1)Fiscal sanity, and 2) Anon-interventionist foreign policy. As 
> regards the first point, Ron istheforemost opponentof government spending in 
> Congress, and has earned the sobriquet "Dr. No" many times over. But of 
> course practically all Republicans at least pay lip service to this ideal, 
> although none that I know of lives up to it like Dr. Paul. However, it’s the 
> second point –opposition to imperialism, and especiallyopposition to our 
> crazed post-9/11 foreign policyofperpetual war– that is the key. 
> As Paulexplainedatthe CPAC conference– wherehe wonthe presidential preference 
> poll – and on many other occasions, we can’t have our old republic back 
> unless and until we rid ourselves of the empire we’ve acquired along the way 
> to bankruptcy. Lecturing them ontheevilsofWoodrow Wilson’s "progressivism," 
> and the virtues of the Old Right’sRobert A. Taft, he received a standing 
> ovation (as well as a few boos from the minuscule-but-loudDavid FrumFan 
> Club). A similar reception occurred at theSouthern Republican Leadership 
> Conference, where he camewithin a single voteof winning the presidential poll 
> (losing only because the SRLC officialsclosed registration early, betting 
> correctly that Paul’s youthful supporters wouldn’t show up until it was time 
> to address the convention). 
> What’s interesting about this, from the perspective of my readers – a 
> majority of whom are not libertarians, I dare say, and are not generally 
> sympathetic tomy "anti-government" views– is that the more Ron talks about 
> the one subject that is supposed to rile Republicans – his foreign policy 
> views – the more popular he gets. It was theleitmotifof his CPAC speech, and 
> amain themeof his SRLC speech: his opposition to what he calls "the Empire" 
> inveigles its way into most of his public utterances: even if he’s asked a 
> specific question about, say,the economy, he emphasizes the impossibility of 
> ever getting out of the economic slough we’re in unless we throw off the 
> burden of empire. 
> Paul’s candidacy is interesting to the antiwar movement, because he has 
> managed to mainstream ideas that were long considered too radical for the 
> ordinary American to even bear hearing about. To even raise the idea that the 
> 9/11 attacks were "blowback" –  in CIA parlance, an unintended consequence of 
> US policies – was once considered a cardinal, self-marginalizing sin. Yet 
> Paul took this view from the beginning: that the attacks were the 
> boomeranging after-effects of playing "king of the hill" in the Middle 
> Eastern sandbox and succoring the Afghan "freedom fighters" (asRonald 
> Reagancalled them) who later morphed into al-Qaeda. 
> When Paul bravelybrought this upat a Republican primary debate, the thuggish 
> Rudy Giuliani said he’d "never heard" such an analysis, and demanded that 
> Paul withdraw his statements.Paul refused, and citedthe 9/11 Commission’s own 
> wordsto back up his point, and yet the pundits in the peanut gallery crowed 
> that Dr. No was finished, a "gadfly" who had been swatted by the thuggish 
> Giuliani. 
> After spending millions in the GOP primaries, Giuliani was rewarded with 
> exactlyone delegate. Paul went to the GOP convention with asmall but 
> respectable platoonof elected delegates, and in spite of being thoroughly 
> locked out the Paulians stayed in the party and worked at the precinct level, 
> educating activists and recruiting lots of independents and conservatives 
> previously disdainful of the GOP. The Paul movement was really the GOP’s 
> lifeline to the emerging "tea party" movement, of which it was always an 
> essential – andcertainlya founding – element. 
> Again, what’s distinctive about the Paul movement within the tea party 
> phenomenon is that they always bring their entire politics with them wherever 
> they go: they raise the issue of the costs of war, and, as such, are 
> currently the most active – and certainly the most successful – antiwar 
> formation in this country. Here we have Code Pink leader Medea 
> Benjaminoffering to join in common causewith the tea partiers, and I think 
> they should take her up on it. the Paulians are the logical mediators between 
> what would, on the surface, appear to be oil and water.
> As I said ina recent issueofThe American Conservative, however, I don’t think 
> the prospects for a left-right alliance on the issue of war and peace are all 
> that bright, to begin with because what used to be the left has essentially 
> been absorbed into the Obama cult, and co-opted by power. In the end, all 
> liberals really care about is getting their "fair share" of the spoils, for 
> themselves and their supposed constituencies.So whatif the price they have to 
> pay is going along with mass murder in Iraq, Afghanistan, and now Pakistan? 
> We all have to die sometime. 
> I harp on Ron Paul for all sorts of reasons, but the one of most interest to 
> my readers is the fact that he is by far the most successful antiwar 
> politician in recent American history. Derided as being one of those dreaded 
> "isolationists," and attacked even by some alleged "libertarians" precisely 
> for that – and because he appeals to the common man – he not only insists on 
> raising this issue, for him it is central to his analysis of what he calls 
> the "Welfare-Warfare State," a phrase coined by the lateMurray Rothbard. Dr. 
> Paul’s diagnosis of a nation fast exhausting itself in an orgy of spending 
> and militaristic adventurism has the stark ring of truth about it – an alarm 
> bell ringing in the night.
> When Paul and others first sounded that alarm, back in the early formative 
> years of the libertarian movement, very few were heeding the call. We were 
> looked on as eccentrics, and, for example, the libertarianenthusiasm for 
> goldwas viewed as indicative of our archaic perspective, put down as an 
> ideological curiosity and nothing more than a "crackpot" notion and a bad 
> investment. Today, of course, those libertarian doomsayers who said the 
> crisis was coming have been vindicated – and all that gold they bought way 
> back in the 1970s, and kept buying in spite of the disdain of more worldly 
> investors, today adds up to quite a bundle. Which is one way to get around to 
> saying that a great deal of Paul’s newfound political authority and 
> credibility comes out of his havingpredictedthe current economic downturn. 
> Virtuallyevery speechmade in Congress, and wherever he appeared, was dotted 
> with references to the coming collapse if we didn’t mend our ways. Well, we 
> didn’t, and it’s here.
> That’s one factor the learned Ben Smith, and the rest of the "experts" and 
> media know-it-alls fail to take into consideration. What fuels the tea party 
> phenomenon and the vast anger animating the American public at the moment is 
> the series of bailouts: the banks, the auto industry, the government workers, 
> the Afghan government of ourerstwhile ally, Hamid Karzai, not to mention the 
> Israelis, the nation of Iceland, and maybe eventhe Greeks, for all we know. 
> As ordinary people see their homesforeclosed, their jobsevaporate, and their 
> savings disappear, the rich get richer – not because of capitalism, or even 
> "socialism," as the tea partiers describe the Obama administration’s 
> philosophy, but due to corporatism, as Ron Paulrecently explained. 
> Corporatism is, in essence,socialism for the rich, that is, for the benefit 
> of certain big corporations over other big corporations, and a raft of 
> would-be smaller competitors. That would seem to be a precise definition 
> ofwhat’s going onin the country today, one that fits nicely in with the 
> left-right synthesis the Paul movement represents, and for which the country 
> yearns. Paul sweeps the independents in the Rasmussen poll, with an 
> astonishing 47-28. Add to this Paul’s appeal to what arecent Pew 
> pollcharacterized as rising "isolationist" sentiment, and what you have is a 
> new American majority based on the proposition that the US government should 
> start minding its own business, both at home and abroad. 
> So much, by the way, for those "libertarian" academics and ivory tower Deep 
> Thinkers who pointedly snubbed Ron, and his supporters, just as they had been 
> doing for years, constantly denigrating his chances of making a significant 
> difference and echoing theorchestrated smear campaignlaunched by 
> neoconservativesagainst Paul’s personal character and that of his supporters. 
> Accurately tracing the Paulian strategy to a series of articles by Murray 
> Rothbard written in the 1990s in favor of cultivating  "right-wing populism" 
> as a vehicle for the introduction of libertarian ideas into the national 
> discourse, these self-styled ultra-sophisticates sneered at the "rednecks" 
> and rubes the Rothbardian strategy would attract: and they specifically 
> turned up their noses at Ron Paul. 
> Instead of following the Paulian star, as most other libertarians were doing 
> outside of Washington, D.C., they sought to recruit their liberal friends and 
> fellow cocktail party goers – or at least make themselves less unacceptable 
> in the Washington social circuit, where the Obama cult reigns supreme. In a 
> self-conscious rebuff to libertarians outside the Imperial City,  these 
> worthies – mostly subsidized by a certain eccentric billionaire, owner of the 
> largest family-owned corporation in the United States – launched their own 
> "liberal-tarian" movement, as they dubbed it, which, so far, consists of 
> either three, or perhaps four, stalwart cadre, all of them employed by the 
> same eccentric billionaire or one of his satellites.
> To even compare the respective achievements of Ron Paul and these 
> sub-political pygmies is to diminish Ron’s astonishing success: the latter 
> don’t want to create a real movement. Their goal is to suck up to whoever’s 
> in power, and somehow convince them to let us have a little more liberty, and 
> a little less warfare, all the while ensuring their own career prospects and 
> social status in the Washington pecking order.
> They said it couldn’t be done: that the Paul movement would go nowhere, and 
> that it would hurt the libertarian cause to have the Good Doctor become known 
> as the fountainhead and symbol of the freedom movement in America. They gave 
> money to his worst critics –and to his son’s opponentrunning in the GOP 
> Senatorial primary in Kentucky – and used their mouthpieces to defame him. 
> They did everything they could to destroy him – and now he’s running even 
> with Obama in the polls.
> These bare facts should tell libertarians everything they need to know about 
> what kind of leadership they need, and who is going to provide it. At this 
> crucial juncture – the libertarian moment – these losers will pardon our dust 
> as the rest of us move confidently into a future when we can truly raise that 
> old libertarian slogan, "Freedom in our time," and really believe it as if 
> for the first 
> time.http://original.antiwar.com/justin/2010/04/15/ron-paul-and-the-libertarian-moment/
>
>
>
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