What revisionist history.....When I am not rushed for time, I will attempt
to respond in more detail, but Jim Davies has so mis-stated the truth in
this article, it is laugable.




On Sun, May 9, 2010 at 6:21 AM, Mark <[email protected]> wrote:

> OOPS!!!! Right off the bat the stated premise is FALSE !!! There was, in
> 1789, already a legal, sitting US Government:
>
> “DONE at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennfylvania, the 9th day of July,
> in the Year of our Lord 1778, and in the third year of the independence of
> America.”
>
> .”The aforefaid articles of confederation were finally ratified on the
> first day of March 1781; the state of Maryland having, by their Members in
> Congress, on that day acceded thereto, and completed the fame.
>
> The constitution REQUIRED as noted below a unanimous vote of the several
> States to ratify ANY change to said Constitution known as the “Articles of
> Confederation .”
>
> .
>
> The loosely organized federal government created by the Articles quickly
> demonstrated some glaring weaknesses.
>
> *The central government lacked the power to regulate trade, levy taxes, and
> impose tariffs. No uniform paper currency or coinage was authorized - money
> from many states and of differing values was in circulation.
>
> *The central government also lacked control over foreign affairs, allowing
> a deplorable situation in which individual states sent envoys to foreign
> states. Some states had created their own armies, others their own navies.
>
> *In rare instances, when the Congress could agree to enact legislation,
> there was no judicial system to enforce the laws.
>
> A convention was called by the sitting congress after a letter from
> Alexander Hamilton requesting a new convention after the previous one had
> been attended by only 5 people or possibly states…I’m not sure..
>
> The stated goal of the Convention — the revision of the Articles of
> Confederation — was quickly discarded and attention given to more sweeping
> changes. Discussion turned instead to two competing concepts of how a new
> government should be formed.
>
> These revisions were to cover the above points (*) ONLY under permission
> granted by the REAL 9th and 10th Presidents of the United States in
> Congress Assembled.
>
> As evidenced by Washington’s letters to Lafayette and the 1840 release of
> Buchanan’s notes absolute secrecy was maintained to keep the lawful, seated
> government and the general populace in the dark.
>
>
>
> “ARTICLE XIII. Every State shall abide by the determination of the United
> States in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this confederation
> are submitted to them. And the Articles of this Confederation shall be
> inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual; nor
> shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them; unless
> such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be
> afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every State.”
>
> To make a long story short…. Your present form of government and it’s
> Constitution were the very definition of a bloodless coup.
>
> On Sat, May 8, 2010 at 10:19 PM, THE ANNOINTED ONE 
> <[email protected]>wrote:
>
>>
>>
>> On May 8, 6:40 pm, "M. Johnson" <[email protected]> wrote:
>> > "Oops! Right off the bat, in its very first session, Congress therefore
>> tried to do something it was not empowered to do (if you'll allow for the
>> moment that, contrary to Spooner, the Constitution actually empowered anyone
>> to do anything). In so doing, Congress demonstrated its disdain for the
>> fences placed around it by Articles Two and Five. Very clearly, government
>> today acknowledges no limits on its power; the 1789 Judiciary Act made it
>> plain that Congress never did acknowledge such limits, even in its very
>> first session."1789by Jim Davies
>> > It's often said that America was once a free country, but that its
>> freedom has been heavily damaged by a relentless growth in government. Some
>> (like Aaron Russo in his documentaryAmerica: from Freedom to Fascism) date
>> the decline from 1913, when the Federal Reserve was chartered and the Income
>> Tax enacted; but I no longer think it began that late. The "Pristine State"
>> advocates suppose that there was once in our history a kind of Eden from
>> which we have fallen, and so that all we need now is somehow to get back
>> there – to "constitutional rule." There wasn't, and we don't. I think our
>> troubles began no later than 1789.
>> > The drafting was done in 1787, and the needed nine States had ratified
>> it by June 21st, 1788, so the Constitution became supreme law on that day.
>> Then on March 3rd 1789 Congress opened its doors and the following month
>> George Washington presided. It's very interesting to notice what the new
>> Congress did, in its first session, from March through September of that
>> year.
>> > It committedsix acts, before going home for the winter in September. See
>> if any of them give you warm, fuzzy feelings; and in a moment I'll focus on
>> the sixth, because of its huge importance.
>> > First came some administration; deciding on how oaths of office were to
>> be taken. Not too much there to bother us.
>> > Second was the "Hamilton Tariff," under which revenue was to be raised.
>> So the second-ever Act of the US Congress was to arrange for the
>> confiscation of property. Sure, it was Constitutional – it was a set of
>> tariffs, imposed on certain imports; some must have recalled that it was a
>> tariff on tea that had sparked the Revolution in the first place, so may
>> have wondered whether anything had changed except the geographic location of
>> the thieves. The import duties favored Northern manufacturers by making
>> foreign goods seem more expensive – it was protectionist – and hurt
>> Southerners by making them pay more. From Day One, a division was being
>> fashioned that led after seventy years to open warfare. So the first
>> substantive thing Congress did was to start to set the scene for internal
>> conflict.
>> > Third came an establishment of "Foreign Affairs" – now the Department of
>> State – by which the new government was to execute "policies" towards other
>> nations. If the intention was to have a perfectly uniform policy towards
>> all, that would not have been needed. By establishing one, it was clear
>> there were to be some nations more favored, others less favored. That's what
>> a "foreign policy" means, and it is ultimately the cause of war and, in our
>> own era, of the unconventional war called "terrorism"; for had there been no
>> foreign policy favoring Israel (recall Biden's call in March for "no space"
>> between the policies of the US and Israel?) there would have been no 9/11,
>> or if there had been one favoring Palestinians there would have been a
>> "9/11" much sooner and much more devastating, executed by Mossad. So the
>> third Act in the history of the new government was to set the scene for all
>> future external conflict.
>> > Fourth was an Act to set up a Department of War – now euphemized as
>> "Defense" – and that was very logical. You play favorites with other
>> nations, eventually you'll need to fight some of them. Better get ready.
>> > Fifth came the Department of the Treasury, to take in and account for
>> the collection and spending of the money confiscated by Act Two. It is to
>> this Department that today's IRS belongs, so I need say no more.
>> > So far, it's not too hard to detect the beginnings of all the most
>> loathsome attributes of any government: tax, distortion, discord and
>> warfare. This is to what our well-meaning "Constitutionalist" friends want
>> to get us back.
>> > The sixth action of that first session bore fruit on September 24th,
>> 1789 and was the "Judiciary Act" – and it's notorious and breathtaking.
>> Here's why.
>> > On its face, its purpose was just to flesh out Article Three, which said
>> there was to be a Judicial Branch in the new government. It had to do with
>> establishing Courts – Supreme, District, Circuit – and government Attorneys,
>> General and less general. But as well as that administrative stuff, the 1789
>> Judiciary Act declared that the Supreme Court had the power to hear actions
>> for "writs of mandamus" as one oforiginal jurisdiction,and so not to be just
>> a court of appeal. Congress was therefore purporting to grant to its sister
>> Branch a power which Article Three never gave it.
>> > Oops! Right off the bat, in its very first session, Congress therefore
>> tried to do something it was not empowered to do (if you'll allow for the
>> moment that, contrary to Spooner, the Constitution actually empowered anyone
>> to do anything). In so doing, Congress demonstrated its disdain for the
>> fences placed around it by Articles Two and Five. Very clearly, government
>> today acknowledges no limits on its power; the 1789 Judiciary Act made it
>> plain that Congress never did acknowledge such limits, even in its very
>> first session.
>> > Was this arrogation of power deliberate, or inadvertent?
>> > Either is possible if the Act is considered in isolation, but it wasn't
>> isolated. While the Constitution was being drafted, Alexander Hamilton and
>> other Federalists had wanted to specify powers for the Judicial Branch, just
>> as the charter did for the other two Branches, and in particular to grant it
>> the power of "Judicial Review," i.e., to say what is, and is not, valid law.
>> He argued that that is what high courts normally do. However in Article
>> Three no powers were granted to it at all, so as it's fair to presume that
>> it was not to have zero powers (otherwise, why set it up?) consequently
>> Article Three left them wide open – for unlike the wording of Articles I and
>> II there are no limits or prohibitions named, either. It was a blank check,
>> whose detail could be filled in later.
>> > If Hamilton had had his way and the Constitution as drafted had said
>> something like "The Supreme Court shall have power to decide what is law and
>> what is not law" the new government would have been plainly seen as a
>> dictatorship, and in my humble opinion it would have not had a snowball's
>> chance of getting ratified; even as it was, that process was no sure thing.
>> So that's why they left it blank – while the Federalist majority intended
>> all along that such a power should, indeed, be owned by the Judicial Branch
>> so that the new government could (with a little delay, and with its
>> cooperation) do anything it wanted to do, while operating under the pretense
>> of being strictly limited.
>> > So Congress' 1789 attempt to endow the Supreme Court with a new power
>> (to hear certain cases with original jurisdiction) was not accidental, but
>> deliberate; that particular power wasn't very important, but it was to test
>> the waters, establish a precedent. If they could grant it one small power
>> then, they could later grant it bigger ones, and so eventually equip it with
>> absolute, law-determining power. Take an inch at once, so as to take a mile
>> later on.
>> > Success came soon: Jefferson won the 1802 election and in the changeover
>> from Adams' administration a certain judge, William Marbury, was not given
>> his proper paperwork to take up an appointment in D.C. So he took advantage
>> of the Judiciary Act, and filedwith the Supreme Courta suit for a "writ of
>> mandamus" – to handle that matter at once – against the new Secretary of
>> State, Madison.
>> > John Marshall's Supreme Court delivered awell-reasoned opinion, which
>> confirmed that Marbury was properly entitled to his new job, but that the
>> Supreme Court was not legally entitled to issue the requested writ. Marshall
>> wrote that the Congress had no power to endow the Court with the right to
>> hear such petitions as one of original jurisdiction, for by so doing it
>> would have amended the Constitution, contrary to Article V. He was right;
>> the 1789 Judiciary Act was unconstitutional. So as to clarify that Congress
>> was not the final arbiter of law he then went on to write the sentence now
>> engraved on the wall of the Supreme Court building:IT IS EMPHATICALLY THE
>> PROVINCE AND DUTY OF
>> > THE JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT TO SAY WHAT THE LAW IS
>> >
>> > Now, here's the awesome trick that was being pulled: in the very act of
>> declaring that Congress was not entitled to amend the
>> Constitution,Marshall's court was itself amending the Constitution! –or
>> purporting to do so. Why? – because in Article Three, the Judicial Branch is
>> not empowered to declare whether or not a law that Congress wrote conforms
>> to the Constitution. That power of final arbitration or "judicial review" is
>> simply not there. Hamilton wanted it there, and argued that it was
>> implicitly there, but in fact it is not. Therefore, in issuing
>> theMarburyopinion, Marshall put it there: he did for his own Branch exactly
>> what the decision itself said was not allowed for another Branch.
>> > Did his court have any alternative? – I don't think so, but to judge
>> from the enthusiasm Marshall used in the quote above, I doubt whether that
>> worried him. TheMarburydecision filled in the blank check of Article Three;
>> that was how power was grabbed. Since 1803, what is and is not law has been
>> determined not by "The People" or their alleged representatives in Congress,
>> but by a cabal of government people who decide what's to be done and, if
>> challenged, get the Judicial Branch to declare it legal. The yawning chasm
>> between what courts now routinely enforce regarding income tax, for example,
>> and what USC Title 26 actually says (and indeed what the Supreme Court said
>> about unapportioned direct taxes, between 1896 and 1921) is thereby fully
>> explained: the Judicial Department "says what the law is," really and truly
>> and actually, and so it's been ever since 1803 thanks to the empty text of
>> Article Three and toMarbury v Madison.
>> > Was theMarburydecision itself Constitutional? – that's the nub of the
>> matter. No, of course it wasn't, for the Court exercised a power it had
>> never been given. Yet on the other hand it exercised a power it had never
>> been denied, either, and as Hamilton persuasively argued in theThe
>> Federalist #78, Judicial Review is quite customarily a normal function of
>> high courts and so the power was implicit in Article Three even though not
>> explicit. We can note also that even the power to decide simple cases of
>> lawbreaking is not explicitly described there either, along with the
>> prerequisite power to interpret what laws mean; yet those are accepted as
>> normal functions of any judicial branch of government. In any case, who is
>> to decide that key question? Some kind of super-supreme court? Sorry, that's
>> not covered in the Constitution, not even in Article Eight. We have here
>> reached the ultimate, fatal flaw in the pleasant fiction that governments
>> are entities capable of being limited.
>> > Ever since 1803, America's government has pretended to operate a
>> limited, democratic republic but has actually been an oligopoly of lawyers.
>> And since Article Three was crafted (and left blank) with all deliberate
>> intent, I suggest that's the way the founders always planned it. The 1789
>> Judiciary Act was a kind of delayed-action poison pill, a really cunning
>> plot, planned and executed by those honored even today as the founders of a
>> free society. And this is perfectly logical; the notion that a government
>> (something thatgoverns) can ever be subject to limits (things that prevent
>> governing) is nonsense on its face, an absolute contradiction.
>> http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig6/davies2.1.1.html
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> > --
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>
>
>
>
> --
> Mark M. Kahle H.
>
>
> --
> Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups.
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>
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