(http://www.nytimes.com/)  


 
____________________________________

May 16, 2010

Going to  Extreme
By _PAUL KRUGMAN_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/opinion/editorialsandoped/oped/columnists/paulkrugman/index.html?inline=nyt-per)
 
 
Utah Republicans have denied Robert Bennett, a very conservative three-term 
 senator, a place on the ballot, because he’s not conservative enough. In 
Maine,  party activists have pushed through a platform calling for, among 
other things,  abolishing both the Federal Reserve and the Department of 
Education. And it’s  becoming ever more apparent that real power within the 
G.O.P. 
rests with the  ranting talk-show hosts.  
News organizations have taken notice: suddenly, the takeover of the  
Republican Party by right-wing extremists has become a story (although many  
reporters seem determined to pretend that something equivalent is happening to  
the Democrats. It isn’t.) But why is this happening? And in particular, why 
is  it happening now?  
The right’s answer, of course, is that it’s about outrage over President  
Obama’s “socialist” policies — like his health care plan, which is, um, 
more or  less identical to the plan Mitt Romney enacted in Massachusetts. Many 
on the  left argue, instead, that it’s about race, the shock of having a 
black man in  the White House — and there’s surely something to that.  
But I’d like to offer two alternative hypotheses: First, Republican 
extremism  was there all along — what’s changed is the willingness of the news 
media to  acknowledge it. Second, to the extent that the power of the party’s 
extremists  really is on the rise, it’s the economy, stupid.  
On the first point: when I read reports by journalists who are shocked,  
shocked at the craziness of Maine’s Republicans, I wonder where they’ve been  
these past eight or so electoral cycles. For the truth is that the hard 
right  has dominated the G.O.P. for many years. Indeed, the new Maine platform 
is if  anything a bit milder than the Texas Republican platform of 2000, 
which called  not just for eliminating the Federal Reserve but also for 
returning to the gold  standard, for killing not just the Department of 
Education 
but also the  Environmental Protection Agency, and more.  
Somehow, though, the radicalism of Texas Republicans wasn’t a story in 
2000,  an election year in which George W. Bush of Texas, soon to become 
president, was  widely portrayed as a moderate.  
Or consider those talk-show hosts. Rush Limbaugh hasn’t changed: his recent 
 suggestion that environmentalist terrorists might have caused the 
ecological  disaster in the gulf is no worse than his repeated insinuations 
that 
Hillary  Clinton might have been a party to murder. What’s changed is his 
respectability:  news organizations are no longer as eager to downplay Mr. 
Limbaugh’s extremism  as they were in 2002, when The Washington Post’s media 
critic insisted that the  radio host’s critics were the ones who had “lost a 
couple of screws,” that he  was a sensible “mainstream conservative” who 
talks “mainly about policy.”  
So why has the reporting shifted? Maybe it was just deference to power: as  
long as America was widely perceived as being on the way to a permanent  
Republican majority, few were willing to call right-wing extremism by its 
proper  name. Maybe it took a Democrat in the White House to give some 
observers 
the  courage to say the obvious.  
To be fair, however, it’s not all a matter of perception. Right-wing  
extremism may be the same as it ever was, but it clearly has more adherents now 
 
than it did a couple of years ago. Why? It may have a lot to do with a 
troubled  economy.  
True, that’s not how it was supposed to work. When the economy plunged into 
 crisis, many observers — myself included — expected a political shift to 
the  left. After all, the crisis made nonsense of the right’s 
markets-know-best,  regulation-is-always-bad dogma. In retrospect, however, 
this was 
naïve: voters  tend to react with their guts, not in response to analytical 
arguments — and in  bad times, the gut reaction of many voters is to move 
right.  
That’s the message of a recent paper by the economists Markus Brückner and  
Hans Peter Grüner, who find a striking correlation between economic 
performance  and political extremism in advanced nations: in both America and 
Europe, periods  of low economic growth tend to be associated with a rising 
vote 
for right-wing  and nationalist political parties. The rise of the Tea 
Party, in other words,  was exactly what we should have expected in the wake of 
the economic crisis.  
So where does our political system go from here? Over the near term, a lot  
will depend on economic recovery. If the economy continues to add jobs, we 
can  expect some of the air to go out of the Tea Party movement.  
But don’t expect extremists to lose their grip on the G.O.P. anytime soon.  
What we’re seeing in places like Utah and Maine isn’t really a change in 
the  party’s character: it has been dominated by extremists for a long time. 
The only  thing that’s different now is that the rest of the country has 
finally noticed.  

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