Teabagoshit, nothoughtshit and nutcaseshit works pretty well for me.
 
 
In a message dated 5/18/2010 12:48:35 A.M. Pacific Daylight Time,  
[email protected] writes:

Just use  "islamoshit",  "koranoshit", "muzzieshits" and other 
complimentary terms  like I do.  And dont forget to always include a pic of 
some nice 
bathroom  tissue to go with it. 

On Mon, May 17, 2010 at 9:14 PM, Bruce Majors <[email protected]_ 
(mailto:[email protected]) >  wrote:

Hey Jim the Obamunists are going to dock your pay  


You aren't allowed to use the word "Islam"


Simon sez  
 



On Mon, May 17, 2010 at 10:12 PM, <[email protected]_ 
(mailto:[email protected]) > wrote:


 
Itching to  Fight Another Muslim Enemy 
By Robert Parry 
May 17,  2010 
If you read the major American  newspapers or watch the propaganda on cable 
TV, it’s pretty clear that the  U.S. foreign policy Establishment is again 
spoiling for a fight, this time  in Iran. 
Just as Iraq’s Saddam Hussein  was the designated target of American hate 
in 2002 and 2003, Iranian  President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is playing that role 
now. Back then, any  event in Iraq was cast in the harshest possible light; 
today, the same is  done with Iran. 
Anyone who dares suggest that  the situation on the ground might not be as 
black and white as the  Washington Post's editors claim it is must be an “
apologist” for the enemy  regime. It’s also not very smart for one’s 
reputation to question the  certainty of the reporting in the New York Times, 
whether about Iraq’s  “aluminum tubes” for nuclear centrifuges in 2002 or 
regarding Iran’s  “rigged” election in 2009. 
It’s much better for one’s  career to clamber onto the confrontation 
bandwagon. Nobody in the major  U.S. media or in politics will ever be hurt by 
talking tough and flexing  muscles regarding some Muslim “enemy.” And, if the 
posturing leads to war,  it will fall mostly to working-class kids to do 
the fighting and dying  while the bills can be passed along to future  
generations. 
Even groups that should know  better – like Votevets.org representing 
veterans of the Iraq and Afghan  wars – have been piggybacking on the organized 
hate campaign against  Ahmadinejad and Iran to advance other political 
agendas. In cable TV ads,  Votevets.org uses Ahmadinejad’s face and Iran’s 
alleged manufacture of  some IEDs to press the case for alternative energy. 
Indeed, looking at this  American propaganda campaign objectively, you 
would assume that the only  acceptable outcome of U.S. differences with Iran is 
another Iraq-like  ratcheting up of tensions, using Washington’s influence 
within the UN  Security Council to impose escalating sanctions, leading 
ultimately to  another war, as if the lessons of Iraq have already been  
forgotten. 
Fearing Negotiations   
This warmongering attitude was  on display again Monday, when a possible 
breakthrough regarding Iran’s  refining of nuclear material – its agreement 
to ship a substantial amount  to Turkey in exchange for nuclear rods for 
medical research – was treated  more as a negative than a positive. 
The New York Times promptly  framed the agreement reached by Iran, Turkey 
and Brazil as “_complicating sanctions talk_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/18/world/middleeast/18iran.html?hp) ,” while 
the Washington Post  rushed out 
an analysis with the headline, “_Iran creates illusion of progress in 
nuclear  negotiations._ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/17/AR2010051701574.html?hpid=topnews)
 ” 
The Post’s analysis followed  _a Saturday editorial_ (htt
p://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/14/AR2010051405305.html)
  denouncing 
Brazil’s President Luiz  Ignacio Lula da Silva for even trying “yet 
another effort to ‘engage’ the  extremist clique of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and 
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.  “ 
The Post’s neocon editorial  writers reprised the usual anti-Iran 
propaganda themes with all the  arrogance that they once showed in declaring as 
flat 
fact that Saddam  Hussein possessed stockpiles of WMD. After the U.S. 
invaded Iraq and found  no WMD caches, the Post’s editorial page editor Fred 
Hiatt 
acknowledged to  CJR that if there indeed were no WMD, “it would have been 
better not to  say it.” 
(More than 4,300 American  soldiers and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis are 
dead, in part, because of  Hiatt's mistake.) 
On Saturday, an unchastened  Hiatt and his crew were back again spouting 
more fictions, this time about  Iran, like the oft-repeated claim that the 
Iranian election last June was  “fraudulent,” apparently because the Post’s 
preferred candidate, Mir  Hossein Mousavi, lost. 
An analysis by the University  of Maryland’s Program on International 
Policy Attitudes earlier this year  found that there was little evidence to 
support allegations of fraud or to  conclude that most Iranians viewed 
Ahmadinejad
’s reelection as  illegitimate. 
Not a single Iranian poll  analyzed by PIPA – whether before or after the 
June 12 election, whether  conducted inside or outside Iran – showed 
Ahmadinejad with less than  majority support. None showed the much-touted Green 
Movement’s candidate  Mousavi ahead or even close. 
"These findings do not prove  that there were no irregularities in the 
election process,” said Steven  Kull, director of PIPA. “But they do not 
support the belief that a  majority rejected Ahmadinejad." [For details, see 
Consortiumnews.com’s “_Ahmadinejad Won, Get Over It_ 
(http://www.consortiumnews.com/2010/022710.html) !”] 
So, while many in the West may  agree that Ahmadinejad is an unpleasant 
politician who foolishly questions  the historical accuracy of the Holocaust 
and makes other bombastic  statements, it is nevertheless a propaganda fiction 
to continue asserting  that he was not the choice of most Iranian voters. 
The point is not  insignificant, because the claim about Iran’s “fraudulent
” election has  been cited repeatedly as fact by the Post, the Times and 
other major U.S.  news outlets, feeding the rationale of Israel and U.S. 
neocons in  demanding “regime change.”  
If Ahmadinejad was actually  elected – even if the process had flaws – 
then the goal of “regime change”  would involve ousting a popularly chosen 
leader, much like the CIA helped  do in 1953 when another anti-Western Iranian 
leader, Mohammed Mossadegh,  was removed from office and replaced by 
Washington’s preferred choice, the  Shah of Iran. 
But the American hostility  toward Ahmadinejad – and the U.S. media’s 
annoyance at any rapprochement  between Washington and Tehran – present other 
dangers, particularly now  that Iran has agreed to a previous Western demand 
that it transfer 1,200  kilograms (2,640 pounds) of low-enriched uranium out 
of the country, in  this case to Turkey, where it would be stored. 
The Iran-Turkey-Brazil  agreement would then give Iran the right to receive 
about 265 pounds of  more highly enriched uranium from Russia and France in 
a form that could  not be used for a nuclear weapon, but could be put to 
use for peaceful  purposes, such as medical research. 
Even though this new deal  parallels a plan that the Obama administration 
favored last October, U.S.  officials have indicated that they might balk at 
the agreement now because  the 2,640 pounds of low-enriched uranium 
represents a lower percentage of  Iran’s total supply than it did last fall, 
possibly more like half than  two-thirds. 
“The situation has  changed,” one diplomat told the New York Times.  
White House press secretary  Robert Gibbs also indicated that the new 
agreement would not stop the  United States from seeking harsher sanctions 
against Iran.   
"The United States will  continue to work with our international partners, 
and through the United  Nations Security Council, to make it clear to the 
Iranian government that  it must demonstrate through deeds — and not simply 
words — its willingness  to live up to international obligations or face 
consequences, including  sanctions," Gibbs said. 
Victory/Defeat 
The Washington Post’s analysis  by Glenn Kessler portrayed the new 
agreement as “a victory” for Iran that  has allowed it to create “the illusion 
of 
progress in nuclear negotiations  with the West, without offering any real 
compromise to the United States  and its allies.” 
However, perhaps the bigger  concern among American neocons is that the 
Iran-Turkey-Brazil accord might  weaken the rationale for pressing ahead either 
with a military attack  against Iran’s nuclear facilities or with a “
regime change” strategy that  would use sanctions and covert political 
operations 
to turn the Iranian  people against their government. 
By reducing the prospects of  Iran building a nuclear weapon – something 
that Iran has vowed that it has  no intention of doing and that U.S. 
intelligence agencies concluded in  2007 that it wasn’t doing – the new 
agreement 
could remove the scariest  claim that Israel and its supporters have used in 
justifying a  confrontation with Iran. 
So, what might otherwise  appear as good news – i.e. an agreement that at 
minimum delays the  possibility of an Iranian bomb and could be a first step 
toward a fuller  agreement – is presented as bad news. 
“The Obama administration now  faces the uncomfortable prospect of 
rejecting a proposal it offered in the  first place -- or seeing months of 
effort to 
enact new sanctions  derailed,” Kessler explained. 
As usual, too, the articles by  the Washington Post and the New York Times 
left out the relevant fact that  Israel, which has been aggressively pushing 
for greater transparency from  Iran over its suspected interest in nukes, 
itself has one of the world’s  most sophisticated – and undeclared – nuclear 
arsenals. 
Even as President Barack Obama  has demanded more nuclear transparency from 
all countries, he himself  continues the longstanding charade of U.S. 
presidents, dating back to  Richard Nixon, pretending that they don’t know that 
Israel has nuclear  weapons. 
In line with that history of  double standards, Washington’s neocon opinion 
leaders now are framing what  could be a positive step toward peace – the 
Iran-Turkey-Brazil accord – as  another failure. 
But the larger truth may be  that the neocons are simply chafing under the 
possibility that their  hunger for a new conflict in the Middle East might 
be delayed indefinitely  and that – heaven forbid – cooler heads might 
prevail.   
_http://www.consortiumnews.com/Print/2010/051710.html_ 
(http://www.consortiumnews.com/Print/2010/051710.html)  


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