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On The Cover/Top Stories
*How Obama Thinks*
Dinesh D'Souza, 09.27.10, 12:00 AM ET

Barack Obama is the most antibusiness president in a generation, perhaps in
American history. Thanks to him the era of big government is back. Obama
runs up taxpayer debt not in the billions but in the trillions. He has
expanded the federal government's control over home mortgages, investment
banking, health care, autos and energy. The *Weekly Standard *summarizes
Obama's approach as omnipotence at home, impotence abroad.

The President's actions are so bizarre that they mystify his critics and
supporters alike. Consider this headline from the Aug. 18, 2009 issue of the
*Wall Street Journal*: "Obama Underwrites Offshore Drilling." Did you read
that correctly? You did. The Administration supports offshore drilling--but
drilling off the shores of Brazil. With Obama's backing, the U.S.
Export-Import Bank offered $2 billion in loans and guarantees to Brazil's
state-owned oil company Petrobras to finance exploration in the Santos Basin
near Rio de Janeiro--not so the oil ends up in the U.S. He is funding
Brazilian exploration so that the oil can stay in Brazil.

More strange behavior: Obama's June 15, 2010 speech in response to the Gulf
oil spill focused not on cleanup strategies but rather on the fact that
Americans "consume more than 20% of the world's oil but have less than 2% of
the world's resources." Obama railed on about "America's century-long
addiction to fossil fuels." What does any of this have to do with the oil
spill? Would the calamity have been less of a problem if America consumed a
mere 10% of the world's resources?

The oddities go on and on. Obama's Administration has declared that even
banks that want to repay their bailout money may be refused permission to do
so. Only after the Obama team cleared a bank through the Fed's "stress test"
was it eligible to give taxpayers their money back. Even then, declared
Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner, the Administration might force banks to
keep the money.

The President continues to push for stimulus even though hundreds of
billions of dollars in such funds seem to have done little. The unemployment
rate when Obama took office in January 2009 was 7.7%; now it is 9.5%. Yet he
wants to spend even more and is determined to foist the entire bill on
Americans making $250,000 a year or more. The rich, Obama insists, aren't
paying their "fair share." This by itself seems odd given that the top 1% of
Americans pay 40% of all federal income taxes; the next 9% of income earners
pay another 30%. So the top 10% pays 70% of the taxes; the bottom 40% pays
close to nothing. This does indeed seem unfair--to the rich.

Obama's foreign policy is no less strange. He supports a $100 million mosque
scheduled to be built near the site where terrorists in the name of Islam
brought down the World Trade Center. Obama's rationale, that "our commitment
to religious freedom must be unshakable," seems utterly irrelevant to the
issue of why the proposed Cordoba House should be constructed at Ground
Zero.

Recently the London* Times* reported that the Obama Administration supported
the conditional release of Abdel Baset al-Megrahi, the Lockerbie bomber
convicted in connection with the deaths of 270 people, mostly Americans.
This was an eye-opener because when Scotland released Megrahi from prison
and sent him home to Libya in August 2009, the Obama Administration publicly
and appropriately complained. The *Times*, however, obtained a letter the
Obama Administration sent to Scotland a week before the event in which it
said that releasing Megrahi on "compassionate grounds" was acceptable as
long as he was kept in Scotland and would be "far preferable" to sending him
back to Libya. Scottish officials interpreted this to mean that U.S.
objections to Megrahi's release were "half-hearted." They released him to
his home country, where he lives today as a free man.

One more anomaly: A few months ago nasa Chief Charles Bolden announced that
from now on the primary mission of America's space agency would be to
improve relations with the Muslim world. Come again? Bolden said he got the
word directly from the President. "He wanted me to find a way to reach out
to the Muslim world and engage much more with dominantly Muslim nations to
help them feel good about their historic contribution to science and math
and engineering." Bolden added that the International Space Station was a
model for nasa's future, since it was not just a U.S. operation but included
the Russians and the Chinese. Obama's redirection of the agency caused
consternation among former astronauts like Neil Armstrong and John Glenn,
and even among the President's supporters: Most people think of nasa's job
as one of landing on the moon and Mars and exploring other faraway
destinations. Sure, we are for Islamic self-esteem, but what on earth was
Obama up to here?

Theories abound to explain the President's goals and actions. Critics in the
business community--including some Obama voters who now have buyer's
remorse--tend to focus on two main themes. The first is that Obama is
clueless about business. The second is that Obama is a socialist--not an
out-and-out Marxist, but something of a European-style socialist, with a
penchant for leveling and government redistribution.

These theories aren't wrong so much as they are inadequate. Even if they
could account for Obama's domestic policy, they cannot explain his foreign
policy. The real problem with Obama is worse--much worse. But we have been
blinded to his real agenda because, across the political spectrum, we all
seek to fit him into some version of American history. In the process, we
ignore Obama's own history. Here is a man who spent his formative years--the
first 17 years of his life--off the American mainland, in Hawaii, Indonesia
and Pakistan, with multiple subsequent journeys to Africa.

A good way to discern what motivates Obama is to ask a simple question: What
is his dream? Is it the American dream? Is it Martin Luther King's dream? Or
something else?

It is certainly not the American dream as conceived by the founders. They
believed the nation was a "new order for the ages." A half-century later
Alexis de Tocqueville wrote of America as creating "a distinct species of
mankind." This is known as American exceptionalism. But when asked at a 2009
press conference whether he believed in this ideal, Obama said no. America,
he suggested, is no more unique or exceptional than Britain or Greece or any
other country.

Perhaps, then, Obama shares Martin Luther King's dream of a color-blind
society. The President has benefited from that dream; he campaigned as a
nonracial candidate, and many Americans voted for him because he represents
the color-blind ideal. Even so, King's dream is not Obama's: The President
never champions the idea of color-blindness or race-neutrality. This
inaction is not merely tactical; the race issue simply isn't what drives
Obama.

What then is Obama's dream? We don't have to speculate because the President
tells us himself in his autobiography, *Dreams from My Father*. According to
Obama, his dream is his father's dream. Notice that his title is not *Dreams
of My Father* but rather *Dreams from My Father*. Obama isn't writing about
his father's dreams; he is writing about the dreams he received from his
father.

So who was Barack Obama Sr.? He was a Luo tribesman who grew up in Kenya and
studied at Harvard. He was a polygamist who had, over the course of his
lifetime, four wives and eight children. One of his sons, Mark Obama, has
accused him of abuse and wife-beating. He was also a regular drunk driver
who got into numerous accidents, killing a man in one and causing his own
legs to be amputated due to injury in another. In 1982 he got drunk at a bar
in Nairobi and drove into a tree, killing himself.

An odd choice, certainly, as an inspirational hero. But to his son, the
elder Obama represented a great and noble cause, the cause of
anticolonialism. Obama Sr. grew up during Africa's struggle to be free of
European rule, and he was one of the early generation of Africans chosen to
study in America and then to shape his country's future.

I know a great deal about anticolonialism, because I am a native of Mumbai,
India. I am part of the first Indian generation to be born after my
country's independence from the British. Anticolonialism was the rallying
cry of Third World politics for much of the second half of the 20th century.
To most Americans, however, anticolonialism is an unfamiliar idea, so let me
explain it.

Anticolonialism is the doctrine that rich countries of the West got rich by
invading, occupying and looting poor countries of Asia, Africa and South
America. As one of Obama's acknowledged intellectual influences, Frantz
Fanon, wrote in *The Wretched of the Earth*, "The well-being and progress of
Europe have been built up with the sweat and the dead bodies of Negroes,
Arabs, Indians and the yellow races."

Anticolonialists hold that even when countries secure political independence
they remain economically dependent on their former captors. This dependence
is called neocolonialism, a term defined by the African statesman Kwame
Nkrumah (1909--72) in his book *Neocolonialism: The Last Stage of
Imperialism*. Nkrumah, Ghana's first president, writes that poor countries
may be nominally free, but they continue to be manipulated from abroad by
powerful corporate and plutocratic elites. These forces of neocolonialism
oppress not only Third World people but also citizens in their own
countries. Obviously the solution is to resist and overthrow the oppressors.
This was the anticolonial ideology of Barack Obama Sr. and many in his
generation, including many of my own relatives in India.

Obama Sr. was an economist, and in 1965 he published an important article in
the *East Africa Journal* called "Problems Facing Our Socialism." Obama Sr.
wasn't a doctrinaire socialist; rather, he saw state appropriation of wealth
as a necessary means to achieve the anticolonial objective of taking
resources away from the foreign looters and restoring them to the people of
Africa. For Obama Sr. this was an issue of national autonomy. "Is it the
African who owns this country? If he does, then why should he not control
the economic means of growth in this country?"

As he put it, "We need to eliminate power structures that have been built
through excessive accumulation so that not only a few individuals shall
control a vast magnitude of resources as is the case now." The senior Obama
proposed that the state confiscate private land and raise taxes with no
upper limit. In fact, he insisted that "theoretically there is nothing that
can stop the government from taxing 100% of income so long as the people get
benefits from the government commensurate with their income which is taxed."

Remarkably, President Obama, who knows his father's history very well, has
never mentioned his father's article. Even more remarkably, there has been
virtually no reporting on a document that seems directly relevant to what
the junior Obama is doing in the White House.

While the senior Obama called for Africa to free itself from the neocolonial
influence of Europe and specifically Britain, he knew when he came to
America in 1959 that the global balance of power was shifting. Even then, he
recognized what has become a new tenet of anticolonialist ideology: Today's
neocolonial leader is not Europe but America. As the late Palestinian
scholar Edward Said--who was one of Obama's teachers at Columbia
University--wrote in *Culture and Imperialism*, "The United States has
replaced the earlier great empires and is the dominant outside force."

>From the anticolonial perspective, American imperialism is on a rampage. For
a while, U.S. power was checked by the Soviet Union, but since the end of
the Cold War, America has been the sole superpower. Moreover, 9/11 provided
the occasion for America to invade and occupy two countries, Iraq and
Afghanistan, and also to seek political and economic domination in the same
way the French and the British empires once did. So in the anticolonial
view, America is now the rogue elephant that subjugates and tramples the
people of the world.

It may seem incredible to suggest that the anticolonial ideology of Barack
Obama Sr. is espoused by his son, the President of the United States. That
is what I am saying. From a very young age and through his formative years,
Obama learned to see America as a force for global domination and
destruction. He came to view America's military as an instrument of
neocolonial occupation. He adopted his father's position that capitalism and
free markets are code words for economic plunder. Obama grew to perceive the
rich as an oppressive class, a kind of neocolonial power within America. In
his worldview, profits are a measure of how effectively you have ripped off
the rest of society, and America's power in the world is a measure of how
selfishly it consumes the globe's resources and how ruthlessly it bullies
and dominates the rest of the planet.

For Obama, the solutions are simple. He must work to wring the
neocolonialism out of America and the West. And here is where our
anticolonial understanding of Obama really takes off, because it provides a
vital key to explaining not only his major policy actions but also the
little details that no other theory can adequately account for.

Why support oil drilling off the coast of Brazil but not in America? Obama
believes that the West uses a disproportionate share of the world's energy
resources, so he wants neocolonial America to have less and the former
colonized countries to have more. More broadly, his proposal for carbon
taxes has little to do with whether the planet is getting warmer or colder;
it is simply a way to penalize, and therefore reduce, America's carbon
consumption. Both as a U.S. Senator and in his speech, as President, to the
United Nations, Obama has proposed that the West massively subsidize energy
production in the developing world.

Rejecting the socialist formula, Obama has shown no intention to nationalize
the investment banks or the health sector. Rather, he seeks to decolonize
these institutions, and this means bringing them under the government's
leash. That's why Obama retains the right to refuse bailout paybacks--so
that he can maintain his control. For Obama, health insurance companies on
their own are oppressive racketeers, but once they submitted to federal
oversight he was happy to do business with them. He even promised them
expanded business as a result of his law forcing every American to buy
health insurance.

If Obama shares his father's anticolonial crusade, that would explain why he
wants people who are already paying close to 50% of their income in overall
taxes to pay even more. The anticolonialist believes that since the rich
have prospered at the expense of others, their wealth doesn't really belong
to them; therefore whatever can be extracted from them is automatically
just. Recall what Obama Sr. said in his 1965 paper: There is no tax rate too
high, and even a 100% rate is justified under certain circumstances.

Obama supports the Ground Zero mosque because to him 9/11 is the event that
unleashed the American bogey and pushed us into Iraq and Afghanistan. He
views some of the Muslims who are fighting against America abroad as
resisters of U.S. imperialism. Certainly that is the way the Lockerbie
bomber Abdel Baset al-Megrahi portrayed himself at his trial. Obama's
perception of him as an anticolonial resister would explain why he gave
tacit approval for this murderer of hundreds of Americans to be released
from captivity.

Finally, nasa. No explanation other than anticolonialism makes sense of
Obama's curious mandate to convert a space agency into a Muslim and
international outreach. We can see how well our theory works by recalling
the moon landing of Apollo 11 in 1969. "One small step for man," Neil
Armstrong said. "One giant leap for mankind."

But that's not how the rest of the world saw it. I was 8 years old at the
time and living in my native India. I remember my grandfather telling me
about the great race between America and Russia to put a man on the moon.
Clearly America had won, and this was one giant leap not for mankind but for
the U.S. If Obama shares this view, it's no wonder he wants to blunt nasa's
space program, to divert it from a symbol of American greatness into a more
modest public relations program.

Clearly the anticolonial ideology of Barack Obama Sr. goes a long way to
explain the actions and policies of his son in the Oval Office. And we can
be doubly sure about his father's influence because those who know Obama
well testify to it. His "granny" Sarah Obama (not his real grandmother but
one of his grandfather's other wives) told *Newsweek*, "I look at him and I
see all the same things--he has taken everything from his father. The son is
realizing everything the father wanted. The dreams of the father are still
alive in the son."

In his own writings Obama stresses the centrality of his father not only to
his beliefs and values but to his very identity. He calls his memoir "the
record of a personal, interior journey--a boy's search for his father and
through that search a workable meaning for his life as a black American."
And again, "It was into my father's image, the black man, son of Africa,
that I'd packed all the attributes I sought in myself." Even though his
father was absent for virtually all his life, Obama writes, "My father's
voice had nevertheless remained untainted, inspiring, rebuking, granting or
withholding approval. You do not work hard enough, Barry. You must help in
your people's struggle. Wake up, black man!"

The climax of Obama's narrative is when he goes to Kenya and weeps at his
father's grave. It is riveting: "When my tears were finally spent," he
writes, "I felt a calmness wash over me. I felt the circle finally close. I
realized that who I was, what I cared about, was no longer just a matter of
intellect or obligation, no longer a construct of words. I saw that my life
in America--the black life, the white life, the sense of abandonment I'd
felt as a boy, the frustration and hope I'd witnessed in Chicago--all of it
was connected with this small piece of earth an ocean away, connected by
more than the accident of a name or the color of my skin. The pain that I
felt was my father's pain."

In an eerie conclusion, Obama writes that "I sat at my father's grave and
spoke to him through Africa's red soil." In a sense, through the earth
itself, he communes with his father and receives his father's spirit. Obama
takes on his father's struggle, not by recovering his body but by embracing
his cause. He decides that where Obama Sr. failed, he will succeed. Obama
Sr.'s hatred of the colonial system becomes Obama Jr.'s hatred; his botched
attempt to set the world right defines his son's objective. Through a kind
of sacramental rite at the family tomb, the father's struggle becomes the
son's birthright.

Colonialism today is a dead issue. No one cares about it except the man in
the White House. He is the last anticolonial. Emerging market economies such
as China, India, Chile and Indonesia have solved the problem of
backwardness; they are exploiting their labor advantage and growing much
faster than the U.S. If America is going to remain on top, we have to
compete in an increasingly tough environment.

But instead of readying us for the challenge, our President is trapped in
his father's time machine. Incredibly, the U.S. is being ruled according to
the dreams of a Luo tribesman of the 1950s. This philandering, inebriated
African socialist, who raged against the world for denying him the
realization of his anticolonial ambitions, is now setting the nation's
agenda through the reincarnation of his dreams in his son. The son makes it
happen, but he candidly admits he is only living out his father's dream. The
invisible father provides the inspiration, and the son dutifully gets the
job done. America today is governed by a ghost.

*Dinesh D'Souza, the president of the King's College in New York City, is
the author of the forthcoming book* The Roots of Obama's Rage *(Regnery
Publishing)*.
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