Debunking the Right Wing Myths and Lies With The Facts

Debunking the Myths of the Midterm
By MICHAEL COOPER
Published: November 5, 2010
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CloseLinkedinDiggMixxMySpaceYahoo! BuzzPermalink Every election
develops its own mythology, usually before the official results are
even certified, and this week’s was no different. And like all
mythology, the narrative that is being woven around the midterm
elections by Bulfinches from both parties is a blend of history, facts
and, yes, myths.

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Before it hardens into accepted fact, some of the new conventional
wisdom might benefit from one more spin on the potter’s wheel:

Return to the Republican Fold

Haberdashers who sell those ties with the little elephants on them may
not want to order more just yet. There is no denying the powerful wave
that swept Republicans back into power in the House, won them seats in
the Senate and helped them rout Democrats in statehouses around the
country. But even as they were electing Republicans in huge numbers, a
majority of voters said they had an unfavorable view of the Republican
Party. In fact, there was little difference in how voters viewed the
two parties: 53 percent said they had an unfavorable opinion of the
Democratic Party, and 52 percent said they had an unfavorable opinion
of the Republican Party.

The Sweeping Mandate

Both political parties would do well to beware the mythological
creature that often surfaces immediately after Election Day: the
Mandate.

To hear many Republicans tell it, the huge surge that won them control
of the House was a clear referendum: an anti-Obama, anti-health care
law, anti-government spending mandate.

“The statement made by the American people this week was a repudiation
of Washington; a repudiation of Big Government; a repudiation of
politicians who refuse to listen to the American people,”
Representative John A. Boehner of Ohio wrote Thursday in a letter
asking his fellow House Republicans to make him the next speaker. “The
people have been clear: the job-killing spending binge in Washington
must end, and Congress must change.”

Often such sweeping mandates do not turn out to be so sweeping. It was
only 24 months ago, after all, that Democrats divined a very different
mandate in the election that made Barack Obama president and
strengthened their majorities in Congress. “This is a mandate,” Gov.
Bill Richardson, a New Mexico Democrat, said at the time. “So the
issues of health care reform, energy independence, rebuilding the
economy, getting out of Iraq — I think he’s going to have the American
people significantly behind him.”

Even as recently as May 2009, Time magazine felt confident enough to
put a G.O.P. elephant on its cover with the headline “Endangered
Species.”

But American voters rarely speak with an unambiguous voice. Consider
the question of so-called Big Government, which, if exit polls are to
be believed, voters have contradictory feelings about. A majority
agreed that the government was doing too many things that are better
left to businesses and individuals. But voters were fairly evenly
divided on what many Republicans made Exhibit A in their case that the
Obama administration had overreached: the new health care law. The
exit polls found that 47 percent of voters said Congress should leave
the law as it is or expand it, and that 48 percent said Congress
should repeal it. Not exactly a ringing mandate for repeal.

Voters were also divided on questions of taxing and spending. When
people were asked what the highest priority of the next Congress
should be, 37 percent said “spending to create jobs,” which was only
slightly behind the 39 percent who said “reducing the budget deficit.”
And only four in 10 voters said they wanted Congress to extend the
Bush-era tax cuts for everyone, including families who earn more than
a quarter of a million dollars a year, as the Republicans want to do.

Ultimately, said Curtis Gans, the director of the Center for the Study
of the American Electorate at American University, the mandate in this
election may have been essentially the same as the one in the election
that sent President Obama to the White House. “The mandate,” Mr. Gans
said in an interview, “was go in a different direction and make it a
better country.”

The Lost Youth Vote

Have the Democrats lost the young?

Two years ago, the Obama campaign galvanized young voters, and they
turned out and helped elect Democrats around the country. This year,
voters under 30 were the only age group in which a majority voted for
the Democrats, but relatively few of them bothered to show up on
Tuesday. But that does not mean young voters are forever lost. Young
voters are among the most transient and tend to sit out midterm
elections. This year was no different.

Young voters did make up a decidedly smaller portion of the electorate
this year: 11 percent, down from 18 percent in 2008, when many turned
out for the presidential election. But their turnout this year was not
much different from their turnout in the last midterm elections, in
2006, when 12 percent of the voters were under 30.

A Disaster for the President

Mr. Obama himself called the big Republican gains a “shellacking.” The
Republican gain of at least 60 seats in the House was the biggest for
any party since President Harry S. Truman was in office. And a
majority of those who voted Tuesday said that they disapproved of the
way Mr. Obama was handling the job, and that his policies would hurt
the country in the long run.

Still, there were a few faint silver linings for Mr. Obama, as the
2012 presidential election begins.

For one thing, he does not seem to own the economic downturn — yet.
When voters were asked who was most to blame for the current economic
problems, 35 percent said Wall Street bankers, 29 percent said
President George W. Bush and 23 percent said Mr. Obama.

And despite what politicians, political analysts and pundits have been
saying for weeks, if not months, most of the voters themselves claimed
that the election was not a referendum on the president. A minority of
the voters — 37 percent — said that expressing opposition to Mr. Obama
was a factor in their vote, but an equal number said that the
president was not a factor in their votes at all. Nearly a quarter
said they voted the way they did in part to express support for the
president.

The Pundits Have a Clue

The Polish philosopher Leszek Kolakowski, below, in what he called the
law of the infinite cornucopia, stated that there was never a shortage
of arguments to support any doctrine one wanted to believe in for
whatever reasons. This law is well known, if not by name, in political
spin rooms and on talk shows, and is likely to continue to get quite a
workout. Of course, a strong argument could also be made that nothing
like that will happen at all.


Megan Thee-Brenan contributed reporting.

Megan Thee-Brenan contributed reporting.


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