MJ,

I do not save many posts but I will save this one. It is to the point.

On Wed, Dec 22, 2010 at 4:05 PM, MJ <[email protected]> wrote:

>
> *Not Yours To Give
> *Col. David Crockett
> US Representative from Tennessee
>
> Originally published in "The Life of Colonel David Crockett,"
>
> by Edward Sylvester Ellis
>
> One day in the House of Representatives a bill was taken up appropriating
> money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several
> beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The speaker was just about
> to put the question when Crockett arose:
>
> "Mr. Speaker--I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as
> much sympathy for the suffering of the living, if there be, as any man in
> this House, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy
> for part of the living to lead us into an act of injustice to the balance of
> the living. I will not go into an argument to prove that Congress has not
> the power to appropriate this money as an act of charity. Every member on
> this floor knows it.
>
> We have the right as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as
> we please in charity; but as members of Congress we have no right to
> appropriate a dollar of the public money. Some eloquent appeals have been
> made to us upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr. Speaker,
> the deceased lived long after the close of the war; he was in office to the
> day of his death, and I ever heard that the government was in arrears to
> him.
>
> "Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot without the
> grossest corruption, appropriate this money as the payment of a debt. We
> have not the semblance of authority to appropriate it as charity. Mr.
> Speaker, I have said we have the right to give as much money of our own as
> we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for this bill,
> but I will give one week's pay to the object, and if every member of
> Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the bill asks."
>
> He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage, and,
> instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as, no doubt,
> it would, but for that speech, it received but few votes, and, of course,
> was lost.
>
> Later, when asked by a friend why he had opposed the appropriation,
> Crockett gave this explanation:
>
> "Several years ago I was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol
> with some members of Congress, when our attention was attracted by a great
> light over in Georgetown. It was evidently a large fire. We jumped into a
> hack and drove over as fast as we could. In spite of all that could be done,
> many houses were burned and many families made houseless, and besides, some
> of them had lost all but the clothes they had on. The weather was very cold,
> and when I saw so many children suffering, I felt that something ought to be
> done for them. The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating $20,000
> for their relief. We put aside all other business and rushed it through as
> soon as it could be done.
>
> "The next summer, when it began to be time to think about election, I
> concluded I would take a scout around among the boys of my district. I had
> no opposition there but, as the election was some time off, I did not know
> what might turn up. When riding one day in a part of my district in which I
> was more of a stranger than any other, I saw a man in a field plowing and
> coming toward the road. I gauged my gait so that we should meet as he came
> up, I spoke to the man. He replied politely, but as I thought, rather
> coldly.
>
> "I began: 'Well friend, I am one of those unfortunate beings called
> candidates and---
>
> "Yes I know you; you are Colonel Crockett. I have seen you once before, and
> voted for you the last time you were elected. I suppose you are out
> electioneering now, but you had better not waste your time or mine, I shall
> not vote for you again."
>
> "This was a sockdolger...I begged him tell me what was the matter.
>
> "Well Colonel, it is hardly worthwhile to waste time or words upon it. I do
> not see how it can be mended, but you gave a vote last winter which shows
> that either you have not capacity to understand the Constitution, or that
> you are wanting in the honesty and firmness to be guided by it. In either
> case you are not the man to represent me. But I beg your pardon for
> expressing it that way. I did not intend to avail myself of the privilege of
> the constituent to speak plainly to a candidate for the purpose of insulting
> you or wounding you.'
>
> "I intend by it only to say that your understanding of the constitution is
> very different from mine; and I will say to you what but for my rudeness, I
> should not have said, that I believe you to be honest.
>
> But an understanding of the constitution different from mine I cannot
> overlook, because the Constitution, to be worth anything, must be held
> sacred, and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man who wields power
> and misinterprets it is the more dangerous the honest he is.'
>
> "I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be some mistake. Though I
> live in the backwoods and seldom go from home, I take the papers from
> Washington and read very carefully all the proceedings of Congress. My
> papers say you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by
> fire in Georgetown. Is that true?
>
> "Well my friend; I may as well own up. You have got me there. But certainly
> nobody will complain that a great and rich country like ours should give the
> insignificant sum of $20,000 to relieve its suffering women and children,
> particularly with a full and overflowing treasury, and I am sure, if you had
> been there, you would have done just the same as I did.'
>
> "It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of; it is the principle. In
> the first place, the government ought to have in the Treasury no more than
> enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing with the question.
> The power of collecting and disbursing money at pleasure is the most
> dangerous power that can be entrusted to man, particularly under our system
> of collecting revenue by a tariff, which reaches every man in the country,
> no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer he is the more he pays in
> proportion to his means.
>
> What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge where the weight
> centers, for there is not a man in the United States who can ever guess how
> much he pays to the government. So you see, that while you are contributing
> to relieve one, you are drawing it from thousands who are even worse off
> than he. If you had the right to give anything, the amount was simply a
> matter of discretion with you, and you had as much right to give $20,000,000
> as $20,000.
>
> If you have the right to give at all; and as the Constitution neither
> defines charity nor stipulates the amount, you are at liberty to give to any
> and everything which you may believe, or profess to believe, is a charity
> and to any amount you may think proper. You will very easily perceive what a
> wide door this would open for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on the
> one hand, and for robbing the people on the other. 'No, Colonel, Congress
> has no right to give charity.'
>
> "'Individual members may give as much of their own money as they please,
> but they have no right to touch a dollar of the public money for that
> purpose. If twice as many houses had been burned in this country as in
> Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of Congress would have Thought
> of appropriating a dollar for our relief. There are about two hundred and
> forty members of Congress. If they had shown their sympathy for the
> sufferers by contributing each one week's pay, it would have made over
> $13,000. There are plenty of wealthy men around Washington who could have
> given $20,000 without depriving themselves of even a luxury of life.'
>
> "The congressmen chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true,
> some of them spend not very creditably; and the people about Washington, no
> doubt, applauded you for relieving them from necessity of giving what was
> not yours to give. The people have delegated to Congress, by the
> Constitution, the power to do certain things. To do these, it is authorized
> to collect and pay moneys, and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is
> usurpation, and a violation of the Constitution.'
>
> "'So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in what I
> consider a vital point. It is a precedent fraught with danger to the
> country, for when Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the
> limits of the Constitution, there is no limit to it, and no security for the
> people. I have no doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make it any
> better, except as far as you are personally concerned, and you see that I
> cannot vote for you.'
>
> "I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition, and this
> man should go to talking and in that district I was a gone fawn-skin. I
> could not answer him, and the fact is, I was so fully convinced that he was
> right, I did not want to. But I must satisfy him, and I said to him:
>
> "Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you said I had not
> sense enough to understand the Constitution. I intended to be guided by it,
> and thought I had studied it fully. I have heard many speeches in Congress
> about the powers of Congress, but what you have said here at your plow has
> got more hard, sound sense in it than all the fine speeches I ever heard. If
> I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I would have put my head into
> the fire before I would have given that vote; and if you will forgive me and
> vote for me again, if I ever vote for another unconstitutional law I wish I
> may be shot.'
>
> "He laughingly replied; 'Yes, Colonel, you have sworn to that once before,
> but I will trust you again upon one condition. You are convinced that your
> vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it will do more good than beating you
> for it. If, as you go around the district, you will tell people about this
> vote, and that you are satisfied it was wrong, I will not only vote for you,
> but will do what I can to keep down opposition, and perhaps, I may exert
> some little influence in that way.'
>
> "If I don't, said I, 'I wish I may be shot; and to convince you that I am
> in earnest in what I say I will come back this way in a week or ten days,
> and if you will get up a gathering of people, I will make a speech to them.
> Get up a barbecue, and I will pay for it.'
>
> "No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section but we have plenty of
> provisions to contribute for a barbecue, and some to spare for those who
> have none. The push of crops will be over in a few days, and we can then
> afford a day for a barbecue. 'This Thursday; I will see to getting it up on
> Saturday week. Come to my house on Friday, and we will go together, and I
> promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear you.
>
> "'Well I will be here. But one thing more before I say good-bye. I must
> know your name."
>
> "'My name is Bunce.'
>
> "'Not Horatio Bunce?'
>
> "'Yes
>
> "'Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before, though you say you have seen me,
> but I know you very well. I am glad I have met you, and very proud that I
> may hope to have you for my friend.'
>
> "It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him. He mingled but
> little with the public, but was widely known for his remarkable
> intelligence, and for a heart brim-full and running over with kindness and
> benevolence, which showed themselves not only in words but in acts. He was
> the oracle of the whole country around him, and his fame had extended far
> beyond the circle of his immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him,
> before, I had heard much of him, and but for this meeting it is very likely
> I should have had opposition, and had been beaten. One thing is very
> certain, no man could now stand up in that district under such a vote.
>
> "At the appointed time I was at his house, having told our conversation to
> every crowd I had met, and to every man I stayed all night with, and I found
> that it gave the people an interest and confidence in me stronger than I had
> ever seen manifested before.
>
> "Though I was considerably fatigued when I reached his house, and, under
> ordinary circumstances, should have gone early to bed, I kept him up until
> midnight talking about the principles and affairs of government, and got
> more real, true knowledge of them than I had got all my life before."
>
> "I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect him - no, that is
> not the word - I reverence and love him more than any living man, and I go
> to see him two or three times every year; and I will tell you, sir, if every
> one who professes to be a Christian lived and acted and enjoyed it as he
> does, the religion of Christ would take the world by storm.
>
> "But to return to my story. The next morning we went to the barbecue and,
> to my surprise, found about a thousand men there. I met a good many whom I
> had not known before, and they and my friend introduced me around until I
> had got pretty well acquainted - at least, they all knew me.
>
> "In due time notice was given that I would speak to them. They gathered up
> around a stand that had been erected. I opened my speech by saying:
>
> "Fellow-citizens - I present myself before you today feeling like a new
> man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths which ignorance or prejudice
> or both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I can today offer
> you the ability to render you more valuable service than I have ever been
> able to render before. I am here today more for the purpose of acknowledging
> my error than to seek your votes. That I should make this acknowledgment is
> due to myself as well as to you. Whether you will vote for me is a matter
> for your consideration only."
>
> "I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the appropriation
> and then told them why I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying:
>
> "And now, fellow-citizens, it remains only for me to tell you that the most
> of the speech you have listened to with so much interest was simply a
> repetition of the arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce, convinced me
> of my error.
>
> "It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but he is entitled to the
> credit for it. And now I hope he is satisfied with his convert and that he
> will get up here and tell you so.'
>
> "He came up to the stand and said:
>
> "Fellow-citizens - it affords me great pleasure to comply with the request
> of Colonel Crockett. I have always considered him a thoroughly honest man,
> and I am satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that he has promised
> you today.'
>
> "He went down, and there went up from that crowd such a shout for Davy
> Crockett as his name never called forth before.'
>
> "I am not much given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then and felt
> some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And I tell you now that the
> remembrance of those few words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty
> shout they produced, is worth more to me than all the honors I have received
> and all the reputation I have ever made, or ever shall make, as a member of
> Congress.'
>
> "Now, sir," concluded Crockett, "you know why I made that speech yesterday.
> "There is one thing which I will call your attention, "you remember that I
> proposed to give a week's pay. There are in that House many very wealthy men
> - men who think nothing of spending a week's pay, or a dozen of them, for a
> dinner or a wine party when they have something to accomplish by it. Some of
> those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great debt of gratitude
> which the country owed the deceased--a debt which could not be paid by
> money--and the insignificance and worthlessness of money, particularly so
> insignificant a sum as $20,000 when weighed against the honor of the nation.
> Yet not one of them responded to my proposition. Money with them is nothing
> but trash when it is to come out of the people. But it is the one great
> thing for which most of them are striving, and many of them sacrifice honor,
> integrity, and justice to obtain it."
>
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-- 
Mark M. Kahle H.

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