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JANUARY 11, 2011
The Authoritarian Media The New York Times has crossed a moral line.

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703791904576075660624213434.html#printMode
   By JAMES 
TARANTO<http://search/term.html?KEYWORDS=JAMES+TARANTO&bylinesearch=true>

After the horrific shooting spree, the editorial board of New York
Times<http://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/07/opinion/07sat1.html>offered a
voice of reasoned circumspection: "In the aftermath of this
unforgivable attack, it will be important to avoid drawing prejudicial
conclusions . . .," the paper counseled.

Here's how the sentence continued: ". . . from the fact that Major Hasan is
an American Muslim whose parents came from the Middle East."

The Tucson Safeway massacre prompted exactly the opposite reaction. What was
once known as the paper of record egged on its readers to draw invidious
conclusions that are not only prejudicial but contrary to fact. In doing so,
the Times has crossed a moral line.

Here is an excerpt from yesterday's
editorial<http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/10/opinion/10mon1.html>
:

It is facile and mistaken to attribute this particular madman's act directly
to Republicans or Tea Party members. But it is legitimate to hold
Republicans and particularly their most virulent supporters in the media
responsible for the gale of anger that has produced the vast majority of
these threats, setting the nation on edge. Many on the right have exploited
the arguments of division, reaping political power by demonizing immigrants,
or welfare recipients, or bureaucrats. They seem to have persuaded many
Americans that the government is not just misguided, but the enemy of the
people.

 That whirlwind has touched down most forcefully in Arizona, which Pima
County Sheriff Clarence Dupnik described after the shooting as the capital
of "the anger, the hatred and the bigotry that goes on in this country."
Anti-immigrant sentiment in the state, firmly opposed by Ms. Giffords, has
reached the point where Latino studies programs that advocate ethnic
solidarity have actually been made illegal. . . .

 Now, having seen first hand the horror of political violence, Arizona
should lead the nation in quieting the voices of intolerance, demanding an
end to the temptations of bloodshed, and imposing sensible controls on its
instruments.

To describe the Tucson massacre as an act of "political violence" is, quite
simply, a lie. It is as if, two days after the Columbine massacre, a
conservative newspaper of the Times's stature had described that atrocious
crime as an act of "educational violence" and used it as an occasion to
denounce teachers unions. Such an editorial would be shameful and indecent
even if the arguments it made were meritorious.



The New York Times has seized on a madman's act of wanton violence as an
excuse to instigate a witch hunt against those it regards as its domestic
foes. "Instigate" is not too strong a word here: As we noted
yesterday<http://alturl.com/w5vj9>,
one of the first to point an accusatory finger at the Tea Party movement and
Sarah Palin was the Times's star columnist, Paul
Krugman<http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/01/08/assassination-attempt-in-arizona/>.
Less than two hours after the news of the shooting broke, he opined on the
Times website: "We don't have proof yet that this was political, but the
odds are that it was."

This was speculative fantasy, irresponsible but perhaps forgivable had
Krugman walked it back when the facts proved contrary to his prejudices. He
did not. His Monday
column<http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/10/opinion/10krugman.html>evinced
the same damn-the-facts attitude as the editorial did.

In the column, Krugman blames the massacre on "eliminationist rhetoric,"
which he defines as "suggestions that those on the other side of a debate
must be removed from that debate by whatever means necessary." He rightly
asserts that "there isn't any place" for such rhetoric. But he falsely
asserts that it is "coming, overwhelmingly, from the right."

He provides exactly one example: Rep. Michele Bachmann, a Minnesota
Republican, "urging constituents to be 'armed and dangerous.' " Such a
statement does seem problematic, although in the absence of context, and
given what former Times public editor Daniel
Okrent<http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/22/weekinreview/22okrent.html?pagewanted=all>has
described as Krugman's "disturbing habit of shaping, slicing and
selectively citing numbers in a fashion that pleases his acolytes but leaves
him open to substantive assaults"--an observation that surely applies to
nonnumeric facts as well--we are disinclined to trust Krugman's
interpretation of Bachmann's statement.

In any case, the evidence Krugman offers is insufficient to establish even
the existence of "eliminationist rhetoric" on the right. To be sure, absence
of evidence is not evidence of absence. Such rhetoric does exist on the
right, and we join Krugman in deploring it.

But Krugman's assertion that such rhetoric comes "overwhelmingly from the
right" is at best wilfully ignorant. National Review's Jay
Nordlinger<http://www.nationalreview.com/corner/256765/hypocrisy-unending-jay-nordlinger>runs
down some examples on the left:

Even before [George W.] Bush was elected president, the kill-Bush talk and
imagery started. When Governor Bush was delivering his 2000 convention
speech, Craig Kilborn, a CBS talk-show host, showed him on the screen with
the words "SNIPERS WANTED." Six years later, Bill Maher, the
comedian-pundit, was having a conversation with John Kerry. He asked the
senator what he had gotten his wife for her birthday. Kerry answered that he
had taken her to Vermont. Maher said, "You could have went to New Hampshire
and killed two birds with one stone." (New Hampshire is an early primary
state, of course.) Kerry said, "Or I could have gone to 1600 Pennsylvania
and killed the real bird with one stone." (This is the same Kerry who joked
in 1988, "Somebody told me the other day that the Secret Service has orders
that if George Bush is shot, they're to shoot Quayle.") Also in 2006, the
New York comptroller, Alan Hevesi, spoke to graduating students at Queens
College. He said that his fellow Democrat, Sen. Charles Schumer, would "put
a bullet between the president's eyes if he could get away with it."

One example Nordlinger misses: Just this past October, then-Rep. Paul
Kanjorski of Pennsylvania told the
Times-Tribune<http://thetimes-tribune.com/opinion/editorials-columns/roderick-random/kanjorski-ponders-nuts-bolts-from-blue-1.1052739>of
Scranton: "That [Rick] Scott down there that's running for governor of
Florida. Instead of running for governor of Florida, they ought to have him
and shoot him. Put him against the wall and shoot him." Kanjorski was
defeated for re-election the following month, but he turns up today on the
op-ed page of--oh, yes--the New York
Times<http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/11/opinion/11Kanjorski.html>
:

The House speaker, John Boehner, spoke for everyone who has been in Congress
when he said that an attack against one of us is an attack against all who
serve. It is also an attack against all Americans.

Does that include Gov. Rick Scott, Mr. Kanjorski?

Left-wing eliminationist rhetoric has occasionally made its way into the
very pages of the Times. Here are the jaunty opening paragraphs of a news
story<http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9D03E0D81539F935A15751C1A963958260>dated
Dec. 26, 1995:

As the Rev. Al Sharpton strode through Harlem toward Sylvia's restaurant and
a meeting with the boxing promoter Don King last week, the greetings of
passers-by followed him down Lenox Avenue.

 "Hey, Reverend Al, you going to kill Giuliani?" one man shouted, in a
joking reference to the latest confrontation between Mr. Sharpton and the
Mayor. Mr. Sharpton waved silently and walked on.

 Giuliani," he said, "is the best press agent I ever had."

The next paragraph puts this eliminationist rhetoric into context:

Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani and others have accused Mr. Sharpton of using
racially charged language that contributed to the emotional pitch of a
dispute between a Jewish clothing store owner and the black owner of a
record shop. They have suggested he had a responsibility to defuse the
tensions that rose until a gunman set Freddy's clothing store afire Dec. 8,
killing himself and seven others.

(As an aside, it is no credit to our colleagues at Fox News Channel that
Sharpton is a frequent guest on their programs.)

Another bit of eliminationist rhetoric appeared as the lead sentence of an
article on the Times op-ed page in December 2009: "A message to
progressives: By all means, hang Senator Joe Lieberman in effigy." The
author: Paul Krugman<http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/18/opinion/18krugman.html>
.

A March 2010 profile of Krugman in The New
Yorker<http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2010/03/01/100301fa_fact_macfarquhar?currentPage=all>featured
this related detail:

Once Obama won the primary, Krugman supported him. Obviously, any Democrat
was better than John McCain.

 "I was nervous until they finally called it on Election Night," Krugman
says. "We had an Election Night party at our house, thirty or forty people."

 "The econ department, the finance department, the Woodrow Wilson school,"
[Robin] Wells [Krugman's wife] says. "They were all very nervous, so they
were grateful we were having the party, because they didn't want to be
alone. We had two or three TVs set up and we had a little portable outside
fire pit and we let people throw in an effigy or whatever they wanted to get
rid of for the past eight years."

 "One of our Italian colleagues threw in an effigy of Berlusconi."

Burning an effigy, like burning an American flag, is constitutionally
protected symbolic speech. It is also about as eliminationist as speech can
get, short of a true threat or incitement. To Krugman, it is a fun party
activity. It is shockingly hypocritical for such a man to deliver a pious
lecture about the dangers of eliminationist rhetoric.

The Times is far from alone in responding to the Tucson massacre with false
accusations and inflammatory innuendoes against its foes. We focus on the
Times because it is the leader--the most authoritative voice of the
left-liberal media, or what used to be called the "mainstream" media.

What accounts for this descent into madness? We think the key lies in this
sentence from yesterday's Times editorial: "But it is legitimate to hold
Republicans and particularly their most virulent supporters in the media
responsible . . ."

*Particularly their supporters in the media.* This echoes a comment House
Minority Whip Steny Hoyer made on CBS's "Face the
Nation<http://www.cbsnews.com/htdocs/pdf/FTN_010911.pdf>"
Sunday:

One of the things that you and I have discussed, Bob [Schieffer, the host],
when--when you and I grew up, we grew up listening to a set of three major
news outlets--NBC, ABC, and, of course, CBS. Most of the people like Walter
Cronkite and Eric Sevareid, Huntley-Brinkley and they saw their job as to
inform us of the facts and we would make a conclusion. Far too many
broadcasts now and so many outlets have the intent of inciting--of inciting
people to opposition, to anger, to thinking the other side is less than
moral.

The campaign of vilification against the right, led by the New York Times,
is really about competition in the media industry--not commercial
competition but competition for authority. When Bob Schieffer and Steny
Hoyer were growing up, the New York Times had unrivaled authority to set the
media's agenda, with the three major TV networks following its lead.

The ensuing decades have seen a proliferation of alternative media outlets,
most notably talk radio and Fox News Channel, and a corresponding diminution
of the so-called mainstream media's ability to set the boundaries of
political debate.

Its authority dwindling, the New York Times is resorting to authoritarian
tactics--slandering its competitors in the hope of tearing them down. Hoyer
is right. Too many news outlets are busy "inciting people . . . to anger, to
thinking the other side is less than moral." The worst offender, because it
is the leader, is the New York Times. Decent people of whatever political
stripe must say enough is enough.

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