Those "Republicans In Name Only" who do not hold fiscally conservative,
"constitutional/libertarian"  values and tenets, and who have infiltrated
our Party.

On Sat, Mar 26, 2011 at 1:53 PM, MJ <[email protected]> wrote:

>  I haven't lost hope!  Stay the course, and let's take our Party, as well
> as our Nation back!!
>
>
>
> Take it back from whom?
>
> Regard$,
> --MJ
>
> *The Origins of the GOP
> *by Thomas J. DiLorenzo
>
> Some very silly books have been written about the history of the Republican
> Party (and the Democrat Party). They tend to read like The Story of Moses,
> with Christ-like figures overcoming tremendous roadblocks to achieve
> greatness and sanctify not only themselves, but the entire nation. They are
> usually written by political hacks and funded rather surreptitiously by
> various business and other special-interest groups that are associated with
> the Party. Such books, of course, are pure baloney: "GOP" should really
> stand for "*G*ang *O*f *P*lunderers."
>
> *The Party of Plunder
>
> *As soon as the newly-created GOP gained enough power in the late 1850s,
> the first thing it did was to get the U.S. House of Representatives to pass
> the protectionist Morrill Tariff during the 1859­60 session, before
> Lincoln's election and before any southern state had seceded. The Party then
> vigorously defended southern slavery. Two days before Lincoln's
> inauguration, after the seven states of the lower South had seceded and
> taken their fourteen senators with them, the Republican-controlled U.S.
> Senate passed a constitutional amendment (that had already passed the House)
> that would have forbidden the federal government from ever interfering with
> southern slavery. Two days later, Lincoln would pledge his support for this
> amendment in his first inaugural address, saying he preferred that the
> defense of slavery in the Constitution be made "express and irrevocable." He
> also promised in that same address a federal invasion of any state that
> failed to collect the newly-doubled U.S. tariff rate.
>
> The GOP opposed the *extension *of slavery to the new territories, not
> southern slavery, and it did so for the basest of reasons. Reason number one
> was the desire to keep all blacks ­ slave or free ­ from the territories,
> which the Party wanted to be an all-white preserve. To the GOP "free soil"
> meant soil that was free of black people, not freedom per se. That's why
> states like Illinois, "Land of Lincoln," had previously amended their
> constitutions to make it illegal for black people to move into them. The few
> blacks who did reside in these areas had virtually no citizenship rights and
> were grossly discriminated against in all aspects of their lives.
>
> The second reason for opposing the extension of slavery to the new
> territories was to limit congressional representation of the Democratic
> Party, which would have been increased due to the Three-Fifths Clause of the
> U.S. Constitution, which allowed for every five slaves to be counted as
> three persons for purposes of determining the number of congressional
> representatives in each state. Thus, pork-barrel politics and white
> supremacy were the reasons the "Grand Old Party" gave for opposing the
> extension of slavery in 1860.
>
> As for politics, the purpose of the GOP's quest for political domination
> was so that it could finally adopt the old mercantilist economic agenda of
> the Whigs, who were mostly transformed into Republicans when the Whig Party
> fell apart in the early 1850s. Once the south seceded, and the Southern
> Democrats left Congress, the GOP immediately pushed through the entire Whig
> economic agenda.
>
>
> *Lincoln's "New Deal"
>
> *Incapable of ever doing anything but praising the early GOP, most
> contemporary historians, who are largely ignorant of economics, praise this
> "achievement" to the treetops. A good example of this appears in the October
> 2004 issue of *The Smithsonian* magazine, in an essay by Lincoln
> biographer David Donald entitled "1860: The Road Not Taken." The essay is
> part of a "what if" symposium that poses the question of what America would
> look like had the outcomes of the presidential elections of 1860, 1912,
> 1932, and 1980 been different.
>
> Donald zeroes in on the Lincoln administration's "social legislation." Had
> Lincoln not been elected, the Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer writes, a
> sizeable Democratic minority in Congress
>
>  Would have blocked the important economic and social legislation enacted
> by the Republicans during the Civil War. Thus, there would likely have been
> no high tariff laws that protected the iron industry, so essential in
> postwar economic development, no Homestead Act giving 160 acres to settlers
> willing to occupy and till land out West, no transcontinental railroad
> legislation, no land-grant colleges, no national currency or national
> banking system, no Department of Agriculture to offer expert guidance on
> better seeds and improved tillage. Without such legislation, the economic
> takeoff that made the United States a major industrial power by the end of
> the century would have been prevented . . .
>
> Like most Lincoln scholars who comment on economic issues, Donald is mostly
> ignorant of the subject he is speaking of. Protectionist tariffs made the
> U.S. steel industry lazy and inefficient by isolating it from the rigors of
> international competition. Consequently, it became a perpetual whiner and
> complainer about the "unfairness" of competition ­ the spoiled brat of the
> American economy. For decades, it has lobbied for protectionism that has
> plundered the American consumer, made the industry even lazier and more
> inefficient, allowing it to pander to its unions and their grossly
> inefficient featherbedding rules, and generally made it far less competitive
> that it would have been under a free trade regime. Despite a century of
> "protection," the steel industry has all but disappeared from my home state
> of Pennsylvania, for example.
>
> Furthermore, the higher steel prices caused by protectionist tariffs have
> always been harmful to American steel-using industries, which includes
> virtually all of American manufacturing. Thus, GOP protectionism was a
> serious drag on American industrial success during the late nineteenth
> century, contrary to Donald's assertions. American industry grew despite
> these foolish and counterproductive policies, not because of them.
>
> Late nineteenth-century tariff protection was especially harmful to
> American agriculture. American farmers have always sold a large portion of
> their output on foreign markets. Tariffs that reduce the volume of
> international trade end up reducing the amount of money that our foreign
> trading partners have with which to purchase American goods, especially
> American agricultural output. That's why the farmers of the Midwest were
> vociferous proponents of free trade during the late nineteenth century. GOP
> protectionism did far more harm to American farmers than any conceivable
> good that David Donald's beloved U.S. Department of Agriculture bureaucracy
> could ever have done. Not to mention the fact that our trading partners
> often retaliated with protectionist policies of their own that blocked the
> sale of American goods in their countries.
>
> As for the Homestead Act, the majority of the land given away under the
> Act, as historian Ludwell Johnson has shown, went to timber and mining
> companies, most assuredly in return for political campaign contributions
> from those same companies. And the giving away of the land, as opposed to
> selling it, was a political impetus to keep tariff rates high ­ and
> economically destructive ­ during this pre-income tax era when the majority
> of federal revenues came from the tariff.
>
> The government-subsidized transcontinental railroads were arguably the
> worst examples in all of American history of the corruption and inefficiency
> that is always associated with government "public works" projects (See
> Burton Folsom, The Myth of the Robber 
> Barons<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0963020315/lewrockwell/>).
> They resulted in the Credit Mobilier scandal of the Grant administration,
> and fueled the arguments of the "progressive movement" to have government
> regulate and control American business. By contrast, James J. Hill built his
> highly successful transcontinental railroad, the Great Northern, without a
> dime of government subsidy.
>
> Land-grant colleges opened the door to the politicization of higher
> education that plagues virtually every American college and university
> today, and is the inevitable result of the politicization of education. The
> Department of Agriculture was never necessary to educate farmers about the
> latest seeds; the free market can handle such tasks much more efficiently.
> Instead, the Department of Agriculture has always been, first and foremost,
> an enforcer of the agricultural cartel operated by federal politicians on
> behalf of a very important political bloc, farmers. It is the U.S.D.A. that
> paid farmers for not raising crops and livestock during the Great
> Depression, when thousands were starving or suffering from malnutrition. Its
> programs of paying farmers for not farming have always been simply
> special-interest politics designed to allow federal politicians to buy votes
> (with taxpayers' money) from farm communities by plundering American
> consumers with the higher food prices that are caused by these policies.
>
> The Lincoln administration's banking legislation, which Donald also
> praises, was a precursor to the inflationary-spiral and
> depression-generating policies of the Fed. They replaced what economic
> historian Jeffrey Hummel described as the most stable banking system in
> American history, the so-called free-banking system that existed in the two
> decades prior to the war, and opened the door to a tremendous centralization
> of governmental power. That of course is exactly what the Republican Party,
> comprised of the political descendants of the Federalists and the Whigs,
> always wanted.
>
> As economists Mark Thornton and Robert Ekelund, Jr., note in their book, 
> Tariffs,
> Blockades, and Inflation: The Economics of the Civil 
> War<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0842029605/lewrockwell/>(p. 
> 99):
>
>  The flurry of new laws, regulations, and bureaucracies created by
> President Lincoln and the Republican Party is reminiscent of Franklin
> Roosevelt's New Deal in the 1930s, for the volume, scope, and questionable
> constitutionality of its legislative output. . . . [I]t should not be too
> surprising to learn that the term "New Deal" was actually coined in March
> 1865 by a newspaper editor in Raleigh to characterize Lincoln and the
> Republicans and persuade North Carolina voters to rejoin the Union. The
> massive expansion of the federal government into the economy led [historian]
> Daniel Elazar to claim that "one could easily call Lincoln's presidency the
> New Deal of the 1860s."
>
> The historian Daniel Elazar who is cited by Thornton and Ekelund put
> together the following table to characterize "Lincoln's New Deal":
>
>
> *Lincoln's New Deal*
>
>    - Morrill Tariff (1861)
>    - First Income Tax (1861)
>    - Expanded Postal Service (1861)
>    - Homestead Act (1862)
>    - Morrill Land-Grant College Act (1862)
>    - Department of Agriculture (1862)
>    - Bureau of Printing and Engraving (1862)
>    - Transcontinental Railroad Grants (1862, 1863, 1864)
>    - National Banking Acts (1863, 1864, 1865, 1866)
>    - Comptroller of the Currency (1863)
>    - National Academy of Sciences (1863)
>    - "Free" Urban Mail Delivery (1863)
>    - Yosemite Nature Reserve Land Grant (1864)
>    - Contract Labor Act (1864)
>    - Office of Immigration (1864)
>    - Railway Mail Service (1864)
>    - Money Order System (1864)
>    - Source: Daniel Elazar, "Comment," in D. Gilchrest and W. Lewis, eds.
>    Economic Change in the Civil War Era (1965), pp. 98­99.
>
>
> More importantly than this legislation, the GOP orchestrated the abolition
> of the voluntary union of the founding fathers and in its place put a
> non-voluntary, consolidated empire, waging total war on fellow citizens for
> four long years in order to succeed. Their stated motives were never to
> abolish southern slavery, as mentioned above, but they skillfully used the
> slaves as pawns in their imperialistic scheme, causing the U.S. to become
> the only nation on earth in the nineteenth century to associate the violence
> of war with the abolition of slavery. The GOP continued to use the ex-slaves
> as political pawns during "Reconstruction," a twelve-year plundering
> expedition throughout the South. When the military occupation ended in 1877,
> the hapless ex-slaves were then left to fend for themselves against a
> vengeful population. The Gang of Plunderers did nothing to help them, for
> Reconstruction was over and they voted overwhelmingly Republican anyway.
>
> Having declared that it possessed "a treasury of virtue" for having "saved
> the union" and freed the slaves, the GOP then enjoyed a monopoly of
> political power for decades. Such "virtue" was immediately used to wage a
> campaign of ethnic genocide against the Plains Indians ­ to make way for the
> government-subsidized railroads, announced General Sherman, who was the
> commanding general of the campaign for many years. The South ­ and the rest
> of the country as well ­ was plundered by protectionist tariffs for the next
> fifty years by the "virtuous" GOP, primarily for the benefit of the Party's
> big-business supporters.
>
> To this day politicians -- especially Republican Politicians -- use the
> fake history of the origins of the GOP as the Party of Saints during the
> Lincoln era to "justify" any and all manner of interventions, from an
> expanded welfare state, to the nationalization of the education system, to
> the current regime's attempt at imperialistic conquest in the Middle East.
> But in reality it's the same old Gang of Plunderers.
>
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