a revolution might be the only way we can remove the scum in dc who
gives our wealth away to foreign governments, ethnic/racial
minorities, and bankers

choose sides carefully

On Jun 8, 9:56 am, MJ <[email protected]> wrote:
> The Next American Revolution Won't Be Like the FirstWednesday, June 08, 2011
> byWendy McElroy
> One of my friends believes that a second American revolution is imminent and 
> will be sparked by the economic instability now rocking the continent. 
> Frankly, I doubt it. Insurrections may occur, but I expect the US government 
> to lumber along, dragging the world deeper into poverty and conflict for many 
> years to come.
> Upon hearing my friend out, however, my first thought was, "ifa revolution 
> erupts, it will resemble the French one of 1789 more closely than the 
> American one of 1776." Then I sat back and tried to figure outwhyI had 
> arrived at that sudden conclusion, and whether or not it had merit.
> One of the reasons for thinking that America might be "going French" is that 
> current American society resembles descriptions I've read of pre-Revolution 
> France more closely than America now resembles its young self.
> Consider the issue of a class structure. America became a magnet for the 
> wretched of the world because it delivered on the promise of a classless 
> society. My ancestors left Ireland because they were forced to work as serfs 
> on land they once owned, and because bumper crops were shipped to England by 
> absentee landlords while starvation claimed the serfs' own children.
> Sick unto death of being arrested for such sins as speaking their own 
> language, the Irish fled to North America even though they risked a 50 
> percent chance of dying in transit or in the initial hardships of the New 
> World. They came here for one thing: a chance. They were willing to die for 
> the chance to live on both feet without sinking to their knees before any 
> man; more importantly, they wanted their children to stand tall. And so, when 
> America called across the ocean to declare that hard work and merit are 
> rewarded here because "all men are created equal," they came.
> Differences in wealth existed, of course. Then, as now, those differences 
> meant that a fortunate few had more and better access to the "goods" of 
> society, including justice. Great wrongs, such as slavery, also existed and 
> can never be dismissed. But, for the majority of immigrants, America 
> delivered. Hard work was rewarded; social mobility meant that a family's 
> status could rise or fall on merit from one generation to the next.
> In 1831, when the aristocratic Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville arrived in 
> America, he began to record the impressions that would become the pivotal and 
> acclaimed workDemocracy in America. Tocqueville wrote, "Amongst the novel 
> objects that attracted my attention during my stay in the United States, 
> nothing struck me more forcibly than the general equality of conditions." 
> Everywhere, people shook hands with each other as though there were no social 
> distinctions. He was especially amazed by the town meetings in New England, 
> where everyone seemed to speak out on every topic.
> A key difference between American and French society sprang from America's 
> respect for the working man: the importance of voluntary associations rather 
> than the state. Tocqueville wrote,Americans of all ages, all conditions, and 
> all dispositions, constantly form associations. They have not only commercial 
> and manufacturing companies, in which all take part, but associations of a 
> thousand other kinds religious, moral, serious, futile, extensive or 
> restricted, enormous or diminutive.If a barn needed to be raised, a school 
> roof repaired, or a social cause advanced, then people banded together and 
> the work was done. Tocqueville concluded, "Wherever, at the head of some new 
> undertaking, you see the government in France … in the United States you will 
> be sure to find an association."The reward of merit and the absence of 
> punitive laws led to an unprecedented prosperity and social equality; and 
> this made for communities bursting at the seams with energy.
> Today, America is a society of elites. Business elites claim subsidies, 
> liability limits, and bailouts. Political elites enjoy the economic bounty of 
> skimming off the sweat and blood of taxpayers: rich salaries, plush expense 
> accounts (not counting bribes), platinum pensions and health insurance, etc. 
> Bureaucratic elites (civil servants) "earn" much more than private-sector 
> workers, even though they have greater job security and richer benefits, like 
> plush pension plans that taxpayers can only dream about.
> Economic privileges are accompanied by legal ones. In a recent commentary, 
> Salon columnist Glenn Greenwald reports on how blatant the class society has 
> become and how the mainstream media acts as a propaganda machine:
> The Washington Post Editors work in a city and live in a nation in which huge 
> numbers of poor and minority residents are consigned to cages for petty and 
> trivial transgressions of the criminal law. … Post Editors virtually never 
> speak out against that, if they ever have. But that all changes that 
> indifference disappears when political elites are targeted for prosecution, 
> even for serious crimes.
> As the elites scramble to preserve their legal privileges, the productive 
> middle class that defined early America is staggering under an 
> ever-increasing burden of taxes, fees, and other legal disadvantages. More 
> and more, productive people are driven into poverty and a despair that could 
> easily turn into rage.
> The parallels between pre-Revolution France and today's America are clear.
> UnderLouis XV(1715–1774) andLouis XVI(1774–1792) France was plagued by 
> constant and ruinously expensive warfare accompanied by economic instability. 
> A huge schism existed between the haves and the have-nots. The haves 
> basically consisted of the nobility and the clergy, both of whom were exempt 
> from taxes; they lived off the productivity of unprivileged people laboring 
> in the private sector, most of whom were peasants.
> The private sector rested upon agriculture, even though few citizens owned 
> land. The nobility and clergy (some 600,000 in a population of roughly 25 
> million) held most property. For example, the church owned about one fifth of 
> all land; in some provinces, it owned up to two thirds. Moreover, the church 
> had feudal privileges that continued from the Middle Ages and bound close to 
> 1 million people to the land as serfs.
> France was a comparatively wealthy nation, but the peasants existed at 
> near-starvation level because of taxation in its myriad forms. A direct tax 
> ate as much as 50 percent of the earnings of the nonexempt. The collection 
> process was particularly brutal because tax collectors were "entrepreneurs" 
> who paid the king a flat amount for the privilege of collecting taxes; 
> anything over that amount became profit.
> There were a slew of other taxes as well, some of which were quite creative. 
> For example, there was a salt monopoly tax by which everyone over the age of 
> 7 was required to purchase several pounds of highly inferior government salt 
> every year. The law also prescribed how the salt could be used and imposed 
> heavy fines for misuse, such as in the preservation of meat. Many other 
> commodities had their own separate taxes. Fees were levied at every stage of 
> manufacture, upon transportation, at time of sale to retailers, and then 
> again to customers. It has been estimated that these taxes doubled the cost 
> of goods. The list of impositions scrolls on and on, and it includes many 
> customs duties that were imposed not merely at national borders but also at 
> the boundaries between different provinces within France.
> And, of course, there was the constant bribery and other unofficial theft by 
> authorities, for which France was notorious. Unfortunately, it is impossible 
> to even estimate how much this corruption cost the average person.
> Even without factoring in corruption, it has been estimated that the nobility 
> and the church consumed about 75 percent of the wealth produced by peasants 
> -- many of whom lived on the margin to begin with. Overtaxed, sometimes 
> homeless, unemployed, hungry, and deprived of any hope of justice, the vast 
> majority of French citizens were not blind. They saw their own children 
> starve while stolen riches bought velvet outfits for children of the elite. 
> When their desperation erupted abruptly into unbridled rage, the French 
> Revolution had arrived.
> At least in the beginning, it was a grassroots revolution around which the 
> disenfranchised rallied for justice. But it soon devolved into a scream for 
> vengeance through which a totalitarian government exacted swift and bloody 
> "justice" under a chilling banner that read "Committee of Public Safety."
> A comparatively free and equal America called a constitutional convention 
> after its revolution; France, in a backlash against elitism, erected a 
> guillotine.
> In short, the first American Revolution sprang from a relatively just and 
> equal society; it was not rooted in a long-standing class structure that had 
> embedded people into widely disparate and warring sectors. What would a 
> second American revolution look like? No one can say for sure, but I fear it.
> The author of several books, Wendy McElroy maintains two active 
> websites:wendymcelroy.comandifeminists.com.http://mises.org/daily/5363/The-Next-American-Revolution-Wont-Be-Like-the-First

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