**

 ****

[The writer is on the right side of history. But his use of the past tense
when referring to Obama is a bit premature. There is still a lot of hard
work to do before we can take our country back on 11/6/12. df]****

 ****

 ****

WSJ, Opinion, August 1, 2011 ****

 ****

*Barack Obama the
Pessimist*<http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424053111903999904576466411161774824.html?mod=opinion_newsreel>
* *****

 ****

*His lack of faith in American exceptionalism has dashed any hope of a
'transformational' presidency.*****

 ****

By Fouad Ajami ****

 ****

In one of the illuminating, unscripted moments of the 2008 presidential
campaign, Barack Obama said—much to the dismay of his core constituency—that
the Reagan presidency had been "transformational" in a way that Bill
Clinton's hadn't. Needless to say, Mr. Obama aspired to a transformational
presidency of his own. ****

 ****

He had risen against the background of a deep economic recession, amid
unpopular wars in Afghanistan and Iraq; he could be forgiven the conviction
that the country was ready for an economic and political overhaul. He gave
it a mighty try. But the transformational dream was not to be. The country
had limits. Mr. Obama couldn't convince enough Americans that the twin
pillars of his political program—redistribution at home, retrenchment
abroad—are worthy of this country's ambitions and vocation.****

 ****

Temperament mattered. Ronald Reagan was the quintessential optimist, his
faith in America boundless. He had been given his mandate amid economic
distress—the great inflation of the 1970s, high unemployment and
taxation—and a collapse of American authority abroad. Through two terms and
a time of great challenges, he had pulled off one of the great deeds of
political-economic restoration. He made tax cuts and economic growth the
cornerstone of that recovery. Economic freedom at home had a corollary in
foreign affairs—the pursuit of liberty, a course that secured a victorious
end to the Cold War. The "captive nations" were never in doubt, American
power was on the side of liberty.****

 ****

By that Reagan standard, Mr. Obama has been a singular failure. The
crippling truth of the Obama presidency is the pessimism of the man, the low
expectations he has for this republic. He had not come forth to awaken this
country to its stirring first principles, but to manage its decline at home
and abroad. So odd an outcome, a man with an inspiring biography who
provides no inspiration, a personal story of "The Audacity of Hope" yielding
a leader who deep down believes that America's best days are behind it. ****

 ****

Amid the enthusiasm of his ascent to power, the choreography of a brilliant
campaign, and a justifiable sense of pride that an African-American had
risen to the summit of political power, it had been hard to tease out the
pessimism at the core of Mr. Obama's vision. His economic program—the
vaunted stimulus, the bailout of the automobile industry, the determination
to overhaul the entire health-care system—gave away a bureaucratic vision:
It was rule by emergency decree, as it were. No Reaganesque faith in the
society for this leader. ****

 ****

In the nature of things, Mr. Obama could not take the American people into
his confidence; he could not openly take up the thesis of America's decline.
But there was an early signal, in April 2009 in Strasbourg, during a
celebration of NATO's 60th anniversary, when he was confronted with the
cherished principle of American "exceptionalism." ****

 ****

Asked whether he believed in the school of "American exceptionalism" that
sees America as "uniquely qualified to lead the world," he gave a lawyerly
answer: "I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I suspect that the
Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek
exceptionalism." We were not always going to be right, he added, "all have
to compromise and that includes us."****

 ****

Events would supply evidence of Mr. Obama's break with the history of
America's faith in liberty in distant lands. The herald of change was at
heart a man who doubted the ability of political freedom to skip borders,
and to bring about the emancipation of peoples subjected to brutal
tyrannies. The great upheaval in Iran in the first summer of his presidency
exposed the flaws and contradictions of the Obama diplomacy. ****

 ****

A people had risen against their tyrannical rulers, but Mr. Obama was out to
conciliate these rulers. America's support wouldn't have altered that cruel
balance of force on the ground. But henceforth it would become part of the
narrative of liberty that when Iran rose in rebellion, the pre-eminent
liberal power sat out a seminal moment in Middle Eastern history. ****

 ****

In his encounters with the foreign world, Mr. Obama gave voice to a steady
and unsettling expression of penance. We had made our own poor bed in
distant lands, Mr. Obama believed. We had been aggressive and imperial in
the wars we waged, and in our steady insistence that our way held out the
promise for other nations. In that narrative of American guilt, the Islamic
world was of central importance. It was in that vast, tormented world that
Mr. Obama sought to make his mark, it was there he believed we had been
particularly egregious.****

 ****

But the truth of it, a truth that would erupt with fury in the upheaval of
that Arab Spring now upon us, is that the peoples of that region needed our
assistance and example. This was the Arabs' 1989, their supreme moment of
historical agency, a time when younger people broke with their culture's
history of evasion and scapegoating. For once the "Arab Street" was not
gripped by anti-Zionism and anti-Americanism, for once it wasn't looking
beyond its geography for alien demons. But we could not really aid these
rebellions, for our touch, Mr. Obama insisted, would sully them. These
rebellions, his administration lamely asserted, had to be thoroughly
indigenous. ****

 ****

We had created—and were spooked by—phantoms of our own making. A visit last
month to Syria's embattled city of Hama by U.S. Ambassador Robert Ford ought
to have shattered, once and for all, the thesis of a rampant
anti-Americanism in Arab lands. The American envoy was given a moving
reception, he was met with flowers and olive branches by those struggling to
end the tyranny of the Assad family. News of America's decline had not
reached the streets of Hama. The regime may have denied them air and light
and knowledge, but they knew that in our order of nations America remains
unrivalled in the hope it holds out for thwarted populations. ****

 ****

Americans' confident belief in the uniqueness, yes the exceptionalism, of
their country, rested on an essential faith in liberty, and individualism
and anti-statism at home, and in the power of our example, and muscle now
and then, in foreign lands. Mr. Obama is ill-at-ease with that worldview.
Our country has had pessimism on offer and has invariably rejected it. At
crucial points in its history, it has remained unshaken in the belief that
tomorrow can be better.****

 ****

In 2008, shaken by a severe economic recession and disillusioned by a
difficult war in Iraq, Americans voted for charisma and biography. The
electorate could not be certain of the bet it made, for Mr. Obama had been
agile, by his own admission he had been a blank slate onto which his varied
supporters could project their hopes and preferences. Next time around, it
should be easier. The man at the helm has now played his hand.****

 ****

*Mr. Ajami is a senior fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution
and co-chairman of Hoover's Working Group on Islamism and the International
Order. *****

 ****

 ****

Dan Friedman
NYC****

** **

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