**

New Labour's toxic legacy
Tony Blair created a generation without hope or aspiration – and we must pay
the price.
Rioters drag plastic bins towards a burning car in Hackney - New Labour's
toxic legacy
Rioters drag plastic bins towards a burning car in Hackney Photo: EPA/KERIM
OKTEN

By Peter Oborne

8:37PM BST 12 Aug 2011

Comments462 Comments

The rioters who have rampaged through the streets of Britain over the past
seven days were the children of Tony Blair. Many of them were born under
Tony Blair. They went to school under Tony Blair. They learnt their system
of savage values and greed under Tony Blair. They are the product of the
policies of Tony Blair.

So what happened? What explains the savage irony that New Labour, a movement
that was supposed to do so much good, created instead so much evil and
despair? This is the urgent question that David Cameron, Nick Clegg and Ed
Miliband must each try to answer as they get to grips with the horror of
last week.

At the heart of this problem lies New Labour's approach to the welfare
state. Gordon Brown developed a social security system that entrenched
dependency and trapped the unemployed in poverty. Certainly he gave them
more money – the benefits to which a single mother is entitled rose by 85
per cent under New Labour. But he made one crucial mistake as he set out to
create a Labour client state. He did not give people hope or self-respect.
Indeed, as Iain Duncan Smith, the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions,
is starting to discover, Brown made it economically irrational for many
people to seek work, thus turning unemployment into a way of life. I would
guess that many of the young men and women drawn into last week's frenzy
come from families where there have been no jobs for generations.

Shamefully, New Labour knew that form of dependency was a by-product of its
policies. It did not care. I once sat on a panel with Lord Giddens, a social
theorist and one of the architects of the "Third Way". I drew attention to
the phenomenon of intra-generational unemployment and he replied that,
statistically, it was fairly insignificant. Well, we are experiencing the
consequences today.

The second New Labour failure concerns education. Blair promised the earth,
and his government poured billions of pounds into the creation of gleaming
new school buildings. But New Labour did not challenge the culture of
failure in British schools. It did not improve discipline in the classroom.
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Instead it created the illusion of change. Year after year exam results
would show a marked improvement, and ministers would claim that this
reflected an underlying improvement in what they called "standards". Of
course nothing of the sort was taking place, as employers and universities
knew all too well.

Fundamentally New Labour lacked the will to take on the teaching unions,
partly because the education profession provides such a high proportion of
their party activists. This meant that they never took the brutal and
necessary step of sacking useless or idle teachers. Only at the very end,
with academy schools – a reinvention of John Major's city technology
colleges which New Labour had abolished when it first came into office – did
New Labour take a step in the right direction. But this move came too late
to save the generation of rioters and looters.

Most disturbing of all was New Labour's teaching on the family. Behind much
of the outrage of the past few days lies the absent father, and the collapse
of traditional marriage. Young children, boys in particular, need male role
models. If they cannot find such figures at home, they will look elsewhere.
Horrifically, this means joining the gangs that caused such mayhem and
destruction.

New Labour simply refused to acknowledge this basic truth of human nature.
It is true that Tony Blair loved to parade himself as a family man to send
out a reassuring image to the voters of middle England, but behind the
scenes party policy was captured by feminists such as Patricia Hewitt (who
became health secretary) and Harriet Harman (eventually elected deputy
leader) who viewed the traditional two-parent family as an instrument of
male, patriarchal oppression. Any attempt to bolster marriage or the
traditional family was repulsed on the grounds that it would stigmatise
single mothers.

So New Labour in office ended the married couples allowance. This happened
in one of Gordon Brown's early budgets, cynically entitled "a budget for the
family". By the end, marriage itself ceased to be a category recognised in
Whitehall, meaning that when data were analysed for policy purposes it was
impossible for civil servants to make any judgment about whether marriage
had better outcomes for children.

What New Labour was doing was encouraging a remarkable social experiment.
Traditional marriage has been at the heart of British society since time
immemorial, providing stability, security, a bulwark against an overmighty
state, and the ideal framework for rearing children. The riots of last week
show the devastating consequence of that leap into the dark.

Fourthly, New Labour promoted a divisive and unequal society. Within months
of entering office, Peter Mandelson, then trade secretary, made his infamous
pronouncement that Labour felt "intensely relaxed" about people becoming
"filthy rich". Meanwhile, Gordon Brown pioneered a series of tax breaks that
have enabled a tiny group of men and women to make personal fortunes of a
kind not seen since the plutocrats of Edwardian Britain. A significant
proportion of these hugely rich men feel the identical sense of impunity and
entitlement as the unemployed youths who plundered shopping centres last
week. Every bit as surely as so-called feral youth – and with far less
excuse – they have played a malign role in generating the moral
disequilibrium of modern Britain.

New Labour could not see this. It believed – and this is perhaps
understandable in a party that lost four elections in a row from 1979 – that
the only thing that mattered was election victory. So Labour strategists
only concentrated on those sections of society who voted. Unemployed black
youths in Tottenham, or the white working class in Manchester and Liverpool,
were simply taken for granted. Crucially, they tended to congregate in
constituencies with large Labour majorities, not the vital marginals where
elections are won and lost.

So for 13 years they were the invisible and the forgotten – until last
week's eruption. Successive British governments, through wilful neglect,
have created a monster, and now we have to live with the consequences or,
better still, to find a solution.

Paradoxically, I believe that the Conservatives are best placed to do this.
To their enormous credit they used their long years in opposition to ponder
the problem of an emergent urban underclass. Iain Duncan Smith, during the
wilderness years that followed his humiliating assassination as Tory leader,
led this work – with the full backing of David Cameron. In a series of
reports from the think tank Centre for Social Justice, Duncan Smith
identified the factors that lead to social despair – drugs, alcohol, debt,
unemployment, family breakdown. He argued that the answer to social collapse
does not just depend on the injection of large sums of money, which was
Labour's answer to any predicament. Far more important is the restoration of
people's independence, pride and self-respect. This is hard, for there are
now many parts of Britain where the tradition of work has vanished, and
entire communities that have become dependent on the state.

Changing the welfare system so that there is a genuine economic incentive
for the unemployed to go out to work is one part of the answer. Restoring
hope and aspiration is another. Rebuilding the family, and the values of
independence and steadfastness it brings, is perhaps most important of all.

Iain Duncan Smith's programme of change and renewal means redefining what it
is to be a human being and a British citizen. It means widespread moral
regeneration – and not just for the poor. All of us have to acknowledge that
we are part of society, with the obligations and duties that involves. It
also means recognising the power of virtues that have been unfashionable for
much too long: decency, courage, discipline, duty and self-sacrifice. Only
if we rebuild those age-old values can we come close to confronting the
disaster in Britain's inner cities.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/law-and-order/8698033/New-Labours-toxic-legacy.html

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