Otherwise known as fascism

On Monday, April 23, 2012, Tommy News <[email protected]> wrote:
> Shift on Executive Power Lets Obama Bypass Rivals
> By CHARLIE SAVAGE
>
> WASHINGTON — One Saturday last fall, President Obama interrupted a
> White House strategy meeting to raise an issue not on the agenda. He
> declared, aides recalled, that the administration needed to more
> aggressively use executive power to govern in the face of
> Congressional obstructionism.
>
> Enlarge This Image
>
> Doug Mills/The New York Times
>
> President Obama speaking in Cleveland in January. Increasingly in
> recent months, the Obama administration has been seeking ways to
> bypass Congress.
>
> “We had been attempting to highlight the inability of Congress to do
> anything,” recalled William M. Daley, who was the White House chief of
> staff at the time. “The president expressed frustration, saying we
> have got to scour everything and push the envelope in finding things
> we can do on our own.”
>
> For Mr. Obama, that meeting was a turning point. As a senator and
> presidential candidate, he had criticized George W. Bush for flouting
> the role of Congress. And during his first two years in the White
> House, when Democrats controlled Congress, Mr. Obama largely worked
> through the legislative process to achieve his domestic policy goals.
>
> But increasingly in recent months, the administration has been seeking
> ways to act without Congress. Branding its unilateral efforts “We
> Can’t Wait,” a slogan that aides said Mr. Obama coined at that
> strategy meeting, the White House has rolled out dozens of new
> policies — on creating jobs for veterans, preventing drug shortages,
> raising fuel economy standards, curbing domestic violence and more.
>
> Each time, Mr. Obama has emphasized the fact that he is bypassing
> lawmakers. When he announced a cut in refinancing fees for federally
> insured mortgages last month, for example, he said: “If Congress
> refuses to act, I’ve said that I’ll continue to do everything in my
> power to act without them.”
>
> Aides say many more such moves are coming. Not just a short-term shift
> in governing style and a re-election strategy, Mr. Obama’s
> increasingly assertive use of executive action could foreshadow
> pitched battles over the separation of powers in his second term,
> should he win and Republicans consolidate their power in Congress.
>
> Many conservatives have denounced Mr. Obama’s new approach. But
> William G. Howell, a University of Chicago political science professor
> and author of “Power Without Persuasion: The Politics of Direct
> Presidential Action,” said Mr. Obama’s use of executive power to
> advance domestic policies that could not pass Congress was not new
> historically. Still, he said, because of Mr. Obama’s past as a critic
> of executive unilateralism, his transformation is remarkable.
>
> “What is surprising is that he is coming around to responding to the
> incentives that are built into the institution of the presidency,” Mr.
> Howell said. “Even someone who has studied the Constitution and holds
> it in high regard — he, too, is going to exercise these unilateral
> powers because his long-term legacy and his standing in the polls
> crucially depend upon action.”
>
> Mr. Obama has issued signing statements claiming a right to bypass a
> handful of constraints — rejecting as unconstitutional Congress’s
> attempt to prevent him from having White House “czars” on certain
> issues, for example. But for the most part, Mr. Obama’s increased
> unilateralism in domestic policy has relied on a different form of
> executive power than the sort that had led to heated debates during
> his predecessor’s administration: Mr. Bush’s frequent assertion of a
> right to override statutes on matters like surveillance and torture.
>
> “Obama’s not saying he has the right to defy a Congressional statute,”
> said Richard H. Pildes, a New York University law professor. “But if
> the legislative path is blocked and he otherwise has the legal
> authority to issue an executive order on an issue, they are clearly
> much more willing to do that now than two years ago.”
>
> The Obama administration started down this path soon after Republicans
> took over the House of Representatives last year. In February 2011,
> Mr. Obama directed the Justice Department to stop defending the
> Defense of Marriage Act, which bars federal recognition of same-sex
> marriages, against constitutional challenges. Previously, the
> administration had urged lawmakers to repeal it, but had defended
> their right to enact it.
>
> In the following months, the administration increased efforts to curb
> greenhouse gas emissions through environmental regulations, gave
> states waivers from federal mandates if they agreed to education
> overhauls, and refocused deportation policy in a way that in effect
> granted relief to some illegal immigrants brought to the country as
> children. Each step substituted for a faltered legislative proposal.
>
> But those moves were isolated and cut against the administration’s
> broader political messaging strategy at the time: that Mr. Obama was
> trying to reach across the aisle to get things done. It was only after
> the summer, when negotiations over a deficit reduction deal broke down
> and House Republicans nearly failed to raise the nation’s borrowing
> limit, that Mr. Obama fully shifted course.
>
> First, he proposed a jobs package and gave speeches urging lawmakers
> to “pass this bill” — knowing they would not. A few weeks later, at
> the policy and campaign strategy meeting in the White House’s
> Roosevelt Room, the president told aides that highlighting
> Congressional gridlock was not enough.
>
> A Measure of Change
> Asserting the Agenda
>
> Articles in this series assess President Obama’s record.
>
> Previous Article in the Series »
> Multimedia Graphic
> Unilateralist StrategyRelated
> Obama’s Deficit Dilemma (February 27, 2012)
> Related in Opinion
> The Loyal Opposition: Government By Executive Order (April 23, 2012)
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> “He wanted to continue down the path of being bold with Congress and
> flexing our muscle a little bit, and showing a contrast to the
> American people of a Congress that was completely stuck,” said
> Nancy-Ann DeParle, a deputy chief of staff assigned to lead the effort
> to come up with ideas.
>
> Ms. DeParle met twice a week with members of the domestic policy
> council to brainstorm. She met with cabinet secretaries in the fall,
> and again in February with their chiefs of staff. No one opposed doing
> more; the challenge was coming up with workable ideas, aides said.
>
> The focus, said Dan Pfeiffer, the White House communications director,
> was “what we could do on our own to help the economy in areas Congress
> was failing to act,” so the list was not necessarily the highest
> priority actions, but instead steps that did not require legislation.
>
> Republican lawmakers watched warily. One of Mr. Obama’s first “We
> Can’t Wait” announcements was the moving up of plans to ease terms on
> student loans. After Republican complaints that the executive branch
> had no authority to change the timing, it appeared to back off.
>
> The sharpest legal criticism, however, came in January after Mr. Obama
> bypassed the Senate confirmation process to install four officials
> using his recess appointment powers, even though House Republicans had
> been forcing the Senate to hold “pro forma” sessions through its
> winter break to block such appointments.
>
> Mr. Obama declared the sessions a sham, saying the Senate was really
> in the midst of a lengthy recess. His appointments are facing a legal
> challenge, and some liberals and many conservatives have warned that
> he set a dangerous precedent.
>
> Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the Senate Democratic leader, who
> essentially invented the pro forma session tactic late in Mr. Bush’s
> presidency, has not objected, however. Senate aides said Mr. Reid had
> told the White House that he would not oppose such appointments based
> on a memorandum from his counsel, Serena Hoy. She concluded that the
> longer the tactic went unchallenged, the harder it would be for any
> president to make recess appointments — a significant shift in the
> historic balance of power between the branches.
>
> The White House counsel, Kathryn Ruemmler, said the Obama
> administration’s legal team had begun examining the issue in early
> 2011 — including an internal Bush administration memo criticizing the
> notion that such sessions could block a president’s recess powers —
> and “seriously considered” making some appointments during Congress’s
> August break. But Mr. Obama decided to move ahead in January 2012,
> including installing Richard Cordray to head the new consumer
> financial protection bureau, after Senate Republicans blocked a
> confirmation vote.
>
> “I refuse to take ‘no’ for an answer,” Mr. Obama declared, beneath a
> “We Can’t Wait” banner. “When Congress refuses to act and — as a
> result — hurts our economy and puts people at risk, I have an
> obligation as president to do what I can without them.”
>
> The unilateralist strategy carries political risks. Mr. Obama cannot
> blame the Republicans when he adopts policies that liberals oppose,
> like when he overruled the Environmental Protection Agency’s proposal
> to strengthen antismog rules or decided not to sign an order banning
> discrimination by federal contractors based on sexual orientation.
>
> The approach also exposes Mr. Obama to accusations that he is
> concentrating too much power in the White House. Earlier this year,
> Senator Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa, delivered a series of
> floor speeches accusing Mr. Obama of acting “more and more like a king
> that the Constitution was designed to replace” and imploring
> colleagues of both parties to push back against his “power grabs.”
>
> But Democratic lawmakers have been largely quiet; many of them accuse
> Republicans of engaging in an unprecedented level of obstructionism
> and say that Mr. Obama has to do what he can to make the government
> work. The pattern adds to a bipartisan history in which lawmakers from
> presidents’ own parties have tended not to object to invocations of
> executive power.
>
> For their part, Republicans appear to have largely acquiesced. Mr.
> Grassley said in an interview that his colleagues were reluctant to
> block even more bills and nominations in response to Mr. Obama’s
> “chutzpah,” lest they play into his effort to portray them as making
> Congress dysfunctional.
>
> “Some of the most conservative people in our caucus would adamantly
> disagree with what Obama did on recess appointments, but they said
> it’s not a winner for us,” he said.
>
> Mr. Obama’s new approach puts him in the company of his recent
> predecessors. Mr. Bush, for example, failed to persuade Congress to
> pass a bill allowing religiously affiliated groups to receive taxpayer
> grants — and then issued an executive order making the change.
>
> President Bill Clinton increased White House involvement in agency
> rule making, using regulations and executive orders to show that he
> was getting things done despite opposition from a Republican Congress
> on matters like land conservation, gun control, tobacco advertising
> and treaties. (He was assisted by a White House lawyer, Elena Kagan,
> who later won tenure at Harvard based on scholarship analyzing such
> efforts and who is now on the Supreme Court.)
>
> And both the Reagan and George Bush administrations increased their
> control over executive agencies to advance a deregulatory agenda,
> despite opposition from Democratic lawmakers, while also developing
> legal theories and tactics to increase executive power, like issuing
> signing statements more frequently.
>
> The bipartisan history of executive aggrandizement in recent decades
> complicates Republican criticism. In February, two conservative
> advocacy groups — Crossroads GPS and the American Action Network —
> sponsored a symposium to discuss what they called “the unprecedented
> expansion of executive power during the past three years.” It reached
> an awkward moment during a talk with a former attorney general, Edwin
> Meese III, and a former White House counsel, C. Boyden Gray.
>
> “It’s kind of ironic you have Boyden and me here because when we were
> with the executive branch, we were probably the principal proponents
> of executive power under President Reagan and then President George H.
> W. Bush,” Mr. Meese said, quickly adding that the presidential
> prerogatives they sought to protect, unlike Mr. Obama’s, were valid.
>
> But Jack L. Goldsmith, a Harvard law professor who led the Justice
> Department’s Office of Legal Counsel during the George W. Bush
> administration, said the Obama administration’s pattern reflects how
> presidents usually behave, especially during divided government, and
> appears aggressive only in comparison to Mr. Obama’s having been
> “really skittish for the first two years” about executive power.
>
> “This is what presidents do,” Mr. Goldsmith said. “It’s taken Obama
> two years to get there, but this has happened throughout history. You
> can’t be in that office with all its enormous responsibilities — when
> things don’t happen, you get blamed for it — and not exercise all the
> powers that have accrued to it over time.”
>
> More:
>
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/23/us/politics/shift-on-executive-powers-let-obama-bypass-congress.html?pagewanted=2&_r=1&nl=todaysheadlines&emc=edit_th_20120423
>
> --
> Together, we can change the world, one mind at a time.
> Have a great day,
> Tommy
>
>
>
> --
> Together, we can change the world, one mind at a time.
> Have a great day,
> Tommy
>
> --
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