Government has zero bsiness in marriage.
----
I agree.

On Jun 18, 3:16 pm, MJ <[email protected]> wrote:
> But (some of) the people of NC chose to use Government to secure advantage to 
> SOME while REFUSING those advantages to others.
> Government -- legitimate Government -- secures right <period>.
> Providing advantage is NOT securing rights.
> Government has zero bsiness in marriage.
> Regard$,
> --MJ
> "Of course, the most important argument for the legalization of prostitution 
> services is that such prohibitions violate one's most basic and inherent 
> rights. Prostitution is the voluntary sale (or rental) of a labor service. 
> Individuals own their own bodies and their own labor services and have the 
> absolute right to decide how those labor services should be used. As long as 
> the prostitution transaction is voluntary, there is no justification for 
> governmental interference. Indeed, such interference constitutes an 
> infringement of the privacy and personal liberty of the individuals 
> involved." -- Paul ArmentanoAt 03:45 PM 6/18/2012, you wrote:And today,  as 
> was three weeks ago before North Carolina voted to maintain the definition of 
> marriage,  homosexuals are still guaranteed those same identical rights that 
> you and I have.  Nothing's changed, other than North Carolina chose not to 
> grant a certain group of people more rights than I have, or that you have, 
> because of their behavior.
>
> On Mon, Jun 18, 2012 at 9:14 PM, plainolamerican <[email protected]> 
> wrote:North Carolina did nothing that wasdiscriminatory toward a class of 
> people.  This was not an actionagainst areligious group, or a class of people 
> such as blacks.---homosexuals are guaranteed the same protection as the 
> religious andthe blacksThis was areferendum against a certain behavior that 
> the majority of NorthCarolinians find to be at odds with their 
> beliefs.---their beliefs, reliious or not,  have no effects on the 
> courtsdecisionsOn Jun 18, 11:11 am, Keith In Tampa <[email protected]> 
> wrote:> Well said Mark.>> We've beat this issue to death, but one thing that 
> I think writers such as> Chris Bassil are missing, is that North Carolina did 
> nothing that was> discriminatory toward a class of people.  This was not an 
> action against a> religious group, or a class of people such as blacks.  This 
> was a> referendum against a certain behavior that the majority of North> 
> Carolinians find to be at odds with their beliefs.>> At one time I was 
> opposed to amending the Constitution to define marriage.> I see no other 
> alternative.  The militant Gays and those that have been> brain washed into 
> believing that this is some type of "right"  need to be> quashed and shut 
> down on this issue.>> On Mon, Jun 18, 2012 at 5:59 PM, THE ANNOINTED ONE 
> <[email protected]>wrote:>>>>>>>> > This is EXACTLY the reason the 
> founders put in the 10th Amendment...> > They were aware that each and every 
> State had its' own moral compass> > and would/should be able to to express 
> that moral compass as the> > majority sees fit. New York can have the gays 
> (etc) and give them> > whatever rights the State may offer while North 
> Carolina is well> > within their right to deny them... the same is true of 
> any basic> > issue.>> > On Jun 18, 9:51 am, MJ <[email protected]> wrote:> 
> > > The Secession SolutionMonday, June 18, 2012> > > byChris Bassil> > > 
> Earlier this month,Amendment 1-- an amendment to the North Carolina> > state 
> constitution that precludes the state from recognizing gay marriage,> > among 
> various other kinds of domestic partnership -- was passed by voters.> > Much 
> has already been made of the bill's discriminatory content, the former> > 
> need to "vote against," and the current need for repeal, but much of this> > 
> looks more like an exercise in missing the point than anything else.> > > In 
> the end, the problem with Amendment 1 is not so much that this> > election 
> was decided in one direction and not the other, but rather that we> > live in 
> a society content to employ statewide voting as a means of> > collective 
> decision making in the first place.> > > One of the problems with a statewide 
> referendum on the issue of gay> > marriage, or any domestic matter, is that 
> it implicitly assumes that the> > state -- as opposed to the county, city, 
> neighborhood, place of business,> > or any other pool of people -- is the 
> appropriate unit for collective> > decision making. It suggests that state 
> residency is a common denominator> > fundamental enough to bind 9.7 million 
> people to one another's opinions,> > interests, and backgrounds -- complex, 
> diverse, and contradictory though> > they may be. It contends that it is 
> morally acceptable for 93 counties to> > decide an issue not only for 
> themselves but for the remaining seven as> > well. And it denies a man -- or 
> two, or several -- the opportunity to lead> > his life as he, and not as his 
> distant neighbors, sees fit.> > > In fact, this is true of any state election 
> -- from the local to the> > federal -- regardless of the issue or its 
> outcome. To be sure, the> > Amendment 1 decision results in a greater and 
> more visible loss of freedom> > than many others, but each and every vote 
> that has ever been cast has been> > predicated on establishing a uniform set 
> of rules for a heterogeneous group> > of people. A simple examination of the 
> purpose behind voting shows this to> > be true a priori. If, on the one hand, 
> the population were entirely> > homogeneous, there would be no need to vote, 
> because our identical beliefs,> > incentives, and experiences would compel us 
> all toward the exact same> > actions and conclusions. The vote, by virtue of 
> its own existence,> > therefore implies our heterogeneity. On the other hand, 
> it also implies our> > search for -- or perhaps toleration of -- 
> one-size-fits-all solutions to> > our varied and diverse problems. (If we 
> were content with different> > solutions for different people, again, there 
> would not be a need for the> > vote.)> > > As local backlash to the Amendment 
> 1 decision has shown, however,> > one-size-fits-all solutions tend to fit the 
> mobs that instate them better> > than the minorities that reject them. Put 
> otherwise, the outcome of the> > recent vote is not actually a uniform 
> solution for the heterogeneous> > population of North Carolina. It is a 
> uniform solution for the largest> > homogeneous community within that 
> population, by which all of the smaller,> > subordinate populations will 
> henceforth be made to abide.> > > The tension arising from this arrangement, 
> as Friedrich Hayek noted> > inThe Constitution of Liberty, is fundamental to 
> the democratic process.> > "The current theory of democracy," Hayek wrote, 
> "suffers from the fact that> > it is usually developed with some ideal 
> homogeneous community in view and> > then applied to the very imperfect and 
> often arbitrary units which the> > existing states constitute."> > > Both the 
> imperfection and arbitrariness of state-level decision making> > have 
> revealed themselves to progressive voters here, many of whom now seem> > to 
> be eager to distance themselves as much as possible from the state and> > 
> their fellow citizens.> > > Take, for example, their observation that support 
> for Amendment 1 is> > inversely related to level of education, and that those 
> counties that voted> > against the amendment are all home to major 
> universities:> > > It is, of course, difficult to say exactly why it is that 
> voters have> > taken to invoking these relationships and sharing these 
> images, but at> > least some of them have done so as an assertion of the 
> validity of their> > position. In theirappeal to authorityrepresented, in 
> this case, by the> > ivory tower...
>
> read more »

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