----------

by James Tuttle
http://c4ss.org/content/13144

Is Property Theft? was originally written by Less Antman and published on
his blog, Anarchy Without Bombs, March 7th, 2010. The following is an
updated version that Antman has graciously provided for C4SS.

“Property is Theft!” was the battle cry of one prominent French anarchist
in the 19th century. “Au contraire, mon frère,” retorted another. “Property
is Liberty!” “You’re both wrong,” said a third. “Property is Impossible!”
How such people got along with each other is amazing. More so, since it was
the same man, Pierre Proudhon, who said all three.

All anarchists support property rights, including those who oppose property
rights. And all anarchists oppose property rights, including those who
support property rights. Context is everything. So are definitions.

Property is Theft

Proudhon was no fool: he recognized the irony of that statement, for in the
process of condemning property, he was confirming it. Without the concept
of property there can be no concept of theft. So let’s try to figure out
what he might have really meant.

When Proudhon wrote these words, far and away the most important form of
property was land, and most ownership of land was the result of arbitrary
claims enforced by the ruling government rather than personal homesteading
or voluntary transfers traceable to a personal homesteader. In short, most
property at the time was stolen.

Thoughtful anarcho-capitalists concede this point, and insist they only
support homestead-based claims, thinking they have addressed the entire
anarcho-communist objection to private property. They have not. For another
fundamental point is that owners of land were considered to have the
exclusive right to determine what happens to everything and everyone on
their land. And some anarcho-capitalists defend that point of view. Oddly,
many of them defend this view of property rights as a logical outgrowth of
the principle of self-ownership.

Self-Ownership

As I’ve noted before, my favorite definition of anarchy comes from Roderick
Long:

Other People Are Not Your Property

I’ve yet to meet an anarcho-capitalist who objects to this formulation.
Nearly all of them also agree with Thomas Jefferson’s formulation of the
rights of man in the Declaration of Independence, where he states that the
rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are unalienable
(which is an acceptable variant of inalienable, regardless of what you’ve
heard), meaning that they are “incapable of being repudiated or transferred
to another.” [No, "uncapable" is not an acceptable variant.]

But if “Trespassers Will Be Shot On Sight” is a valid assertion of property
rights by the owner, then it is clear that self-ownership isn’t going to
get you very far: your unalienable rights only exist as long as you can
find a spot nobody else owns, at which point you can be immediately
declared an illegal alien. Yes, of course, I might shoot someone because
they are a credible threat to my life, but this is true whether they’ve
threatened me in the home I own, the apartment I rent, the hotel where I’m
staying, or the restaurant where I’m eating: it has nothing to do with my
being the owner of the property.

Proprietary communities are another extraordinary application of extreme
propertarianism. Defenders of these sometimes assert that any rules can be
set and enforced, so long as the property was legitimately homesteaded or
transferred. Again, anybody supporting this who claims that self-ownership
is unalienable needs to consider how empty they’re making this principle. I
can say for certain they’ve never had to deal with the management of a
co-op or condo association.

Property is Liberty

However, I come not to bury property rights, but to praise them. Proudhon’s
later pronouncement recognized that the claims of private property owners
were a bulwark against government violations of life and liberty. I think
we need to go further: property rights have proven to be an indispensable
way of reducing social violence in general. As James Payne has documented
in A History of Force, the world has been getting more and more peaceful
over the centuries, and an increasing respect for property rights is
probably one of the reasons. John Hasnas has written (PDF) an excellent
account of how law developed in pre-Norman England, with property rights
arising as an effective alternative to blood feuds. And Bruce Benson, in
his many studies in The Enterprise of Law: Justice Without the State, has
identified property rights as a characteristic of all the legal systems he
has seen develop in societies without central planners. When
anarcho-capitalists are asked for historical examples of their societies,
they usually pick multi-century examples such as Celtic Ireland and Viking
Iceland, while anarcho-communists point to short-term experiments such as
the Paris Communes and Spanish Revolution. It does appear that anarchist
societies which respected property rights lasted a heck of a lot longer
before failing. Alas, like virtually every government in history, virtually
every anarchy in history was of finite duration. More on that shortly.

Property is Impossible

The Hasnas piece is especially instructive, because he notes the limits on
property that naturally arose. Easements are one obvious example: if you
own a piece of land, and I acquire, even by legitimate homesteading, all of
the land surrounding yours, I don’t have the right to effectively imprison
you by denying you access to my land to get out. It would be useless to own
the ground but not any of the space above the ground, yet I can’t own
everything above the land up to the end of the universe (I still wonder
what exists 1 mile beyond the end of the universe). I can’t exclude air and
light going onto my property, and forbid all molecules that I consider to
be pollution (especially now that so many think carbon is a pollutant).
Absolutism on property quickly becomes absurd. And it is all because we
look at property improperly, trying to derive a single set of rules for all
situations from first principles, when property is, in fact, a problem
solver that self-owners adopt for the purpose of living in peace and
harmony with each other.

A Bundle of Rights

Property is not a single right, but a bundle of different rights that can
be unbundled when desirable. The 2009 Nobel Laureate in Economics, Elinor
Ostrom, who died earlier this year, performed the hard work of determining
how real people have solved problems involving common pool resources that
resist both government and private property solutions. She discussed at
least 5 different categories of property rights: access, withdrawal,
management, exclusion, and alienation, and emphasized that it clearly isn’t
“all or nothing.”

One can make even finer distinctions. If I homestead property to build a
house, that might include a right not to have loud noise disrupt my sleep,
but if I homestead property to build a factory, that right might not exist.
We can look at my homesteading property for growing food, another might use
the same property for hiking, another as a travel route to the other side,
and as long as the later uses don’t interfere with the earlier ones, each
has homesteaded a right to the same property. Granted, homesteading a
location for a personal residence should provide more of a right to exclude
others. Still, reason must prevail.

We homestead property to the extent we are using it and in the manner we
are using it, and we abandon our claim when it becomes clear we have
stopped using it (as Bill Orton has suggested, much of the difference
between ancap and ancom theories of property can be described as how
“sticky” property is after homesteading).

Once we stop treating homesteading as granting total and permanent control
over property merely through the act of mixing a little labor with it or
fencing it off, we expand the number of people who support property rights
enormously. Even anarcho-communists support possession, a right not to be
violently dispossessed of property so long as a person is using it. And
while many ancoms are infuriatingly vague about the length of time a person
can stop using property before it is considered abandoned, and why lending
property is okay and transferring property is okay, but lending property in
exchange for a transfer of property (renting) is not okay, they’re not so
insane as to argue that a person who leaves his bed to go to the restroom
at night has abandoned his bed and left it open to claimed by another, as
some have charged.

Similarly, one of the most well-known common law precepts in the relatively
sticky property world we live in is “possession is nine points of the law,”
and while it may not have been literally true in statute, it did and to a
great extent still does represent the common sense of the average person in
the Anglo-Saxon world. The accepted legal principle of adverse possession
derives from it, and legal scholars have referred to it over the centuries
as a valid idea if not a mathematically literal statement. So let’s not go
around claiming the anarcho-communists are spewing pure drivel when they
talk of possession rather than property.

Furthermore, even to the extent property rights are legitimate, dispute
resolution over property cannot be territorially based, because that means
begging the very question. You can’t do that on my property! Who says? The
judge says! Which judge? The judge I selected for all disputes involving my
property! Who says it is your property? The judge! Which judge? The judge I
selected for all disputes involving my property! I want a different judge!
You have no choice, since you’re on my property! According to whom? The
judge! Which judge? The judge I selected for all disputes involving my
property!

Sustainable Anarchy

Anarchists are usually treated to a catch-22 when trying to defend the
practicality of our views, by people asking for historical examples. If we
point out that there hasn’t yet been a complete anarchist experiment, that
is treated as proof of utopianism. If we provide clear examples from the
current world, such as in Hasnas’ excellent The Obviousness of Anarchy
(PDF), all our examples are dismissed because they are occurring within a
society that still has a government (even when its existence has no
credible connection to the examples). And if we provide historical
examples, of which there are several, of reasonably close approximations to
what we propose, we’re asked why they no longer exist.

Based on their great longevity, I think experiments in anarcho-capitalism
have proven more successful than those under anarcho-communism. But I think
the anarcho-communists have the answer to why the former still eventually
failed: concentrations of power are dangerous even when they result from
voluntary behavior. In both Iceland and Ireland, voluntary law and private
property prevailed for centuries, but the acceptance of Christianity and,
more importantly, of the tithing of money to the church, led to increasing
concentrations of wealth in the hands of those overseeing church
operations, and what was voluntary became coercive once that concentrated
wealth was used to project violent power.

Thus, it is right to question hierarchy in all of its forms, including
landlord-tenant relationships and employer-employee relationships. That
doesn’t mean declaring them illegal, but it does mean being uncomfortable
with ALL imbalances of power and addressing the reasons for them. At
present, enormous amounts of land are closed off to homesteading, even
within cities, and both licensing and regulation are used to destroy
countless opportunities for self-employment. Intellectual property laws are
used to prevent people from using their own tangible property based on
their own knowledge, and the only people who can afford to enforce these
laws are the wealthiest because of a monopoly legal system that is
outrageously costly to use. Get rid of these restrictions and the
imbalances of power blamed on capitalism become immensely smaller.

And if you pay attention to the words of the most intelligent
anarcho-communists instead of strawmanning their views, you’ll discover
that the methods they propose to get rid of the non-violent hierarchies
they oppose are non-violent and completely consistent with a free market.
As I see it, we are not only allies on the most important issues of our
time, such as military intervention, drug prohibition, corporate welfare,
and the licenses, regulations, and taxes that destroy the opportunities of
the average person, but we are even allies against hierarchy. David
Friedman, whose The Machinery of Freedom (PDF) was the book that converted
me to anarcho-capitalism (although I now prefer to call myself a market
anarchist, common law anarchist, or just plain anarchist), made it clear
that he strongly preferred a society of individual business owners rather
than large corporations, and saw extending free markets as the best way to
achieve that.

In anarchy, networks replace hierarchies as tools for organizing society.
Similarly, I see prices replacing bosses, as we coordinate activity through
the price system rather than by having people who give orders and people
who obey them. But, in addition to that, we need vigilance against
imbalances of power when they develop, even when the result of voluntary
activity. Boycotting businesses that treat workers poorly or use market
power to restrict consumer choice is part of maintaining a free society I
switched from an Apple iPhone to a Google Android for that very reason).
Ostracizing wealth accumulators who do nothing to help the less fortunate
and praising those who use wealth for the benefit of society are also parts
of it.

I especially like the idea of goodwill as the ultimate currency, as William
Gillis wrote in 2009 on his site, Human Iterations. In an anarchist
society, the rich never forget that they cease to be rich if the rest of
society chooses not to recognize their property claims: the moment you
claim the right to more than what you can personally control, you are
relying on other people to honor your claim. So be nice to people.

To Serve Man

Okay, time for the anarchist cookbook. I believe that property is a problem
solver, a useful tool for achieving social peace and economic efficiency
that benefits society enormously. However, it is a useful social
convention, not an absolute right derivable from self-ownership: there is
no reason that a person born in the year 2100 should have fewer rights than
a person born in the year 2000, but if all the world becomes private
property, and property owners can establish all the rules for their
property, then every person born after that date will be born a slave, and
self-ownership will become a joke. Moreover, the limits on property rights
have already been acknowledged in common law, and ancaps need to abandon
the cartoon version of contract law, and learn about duress, undue
influence, and adhesions: established common law concepts that go beyond
the “well, he agreed to it” view of contractual obligations. We’ve modified
contract law enough in the US to recognize that employees have the right to
quit their job even if they signed a multi-year contract (except for those
who join the government military), and debtors can have their obligations
cancelled in bankruptcy and never end up in prison if they don’t pay
(except for those who owe the government taxes). In short, the sanctity of
contract is already recognized as an intolerable concept under law, because
it violates self-ownership.

All anarchy requires is that we accept the idea that other people are not
our property. With that alone, we’ll create whatever order and organization
is needed in an environment of mutual respect. When we have disputes we
can’t resolve, we’ll create tools for resolving them. History tells us that
private property is one of those tools, but we shouldn’t raise it to the
level of a fetish that overrides our common sense and our humanity.

We Can All Live Together

What makes me most optimistic about the future of the anarchist movement is
that reality will always win out over theory. Both the ancap who insists
that homesteading creates total and permanent domination of a location and
the ancom who insists that all private property is evil bow to the reality
that, while they may continue to use the tools of persuasion, ostracism,
and boycott, they ultimately will have to live in the world as it is. I see
no evidence whatsoever that anarchist societies can successfully adopt
either of the extremes (and if I’m wrong, I’ll bow to that reality). The
Hasnas piece I re

-- 
Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups.
For options & help see http://groups.google.com/group/PoliticalForum

* Visit our other community at http://www.PoliticalForum.com/  
* It's active and moderated. Register and vote in our polls. 
* Read the latest breaking news, and more.

<<attachment: sean.vcf>>

Reply via email to