Huh?

What was that about "spewing fallacy" that you were talking about yesterday?




On Thu, Oct 4, 2012 at 7:24 PM, MJ <[email protected]> wrote:

>
> *Romney's New Constitution: FedGov Can Do Whatever Beijing is Willing to
> Subsidize
> *Posted by William Grigg <[email protected]> on October 4, 2012 10:07 AM
>
> Mitt Romney's budget-cutting model is to ask: "Is the program so critical
> it's worth borrowing money from China to pay for it? And if not, I'll get
> rid of it."
>
> On this construction, the FedGov is authorized to do whatever China is
> willing to subsidize, rather than being limited to what the U.S.
> Constitution permits.
>
> (Yes, I know -- the Constitution is a snare and a 
> delusion<http://lewrockwell.com/grigg/grigg-w268.html>,
> but it does remain marginally useful as standard against which to measure
> the government's hypocrisy.)
>
> xxx
>
> *Obamacare and the Revenge of the 'Secret Constitution'
> *by William Norman Grigg
>
> *"[T]he majority has at all times a right to govern the minority, and to
> bind the latter to obedience to the will of the former…. In a general sense
> the will of the majority of the people is absolute and sovereign, limited
> only by its means and power to make its will effectual."* -- Joseph
> Story, *Commentaries on the 
> Constitution*<http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/B004QO9ZMK?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creativeASIN=B004QO9ZMK&linkCode=xm2&tag=lewrockwell>,
> III, 327, 330
>
> *"The scientific concept of dictatorship means nothing else but this –
> Power without limit, resting directly upon force, restrained by no laws,
> absolutely unrestrained by rules." *-- Vladimir Lenin
>
> A constitution merely prolongs the pretense that a political government
> can be limited by laws that *it* will interpret. Eventually, every
> constitutional government will embrace Lenin's ruling formula – "Power
> without limit, resting directly on force."
>
> The function of the judiciary is liturgical: It transmutes the restrictive
> language of the constitution into a mandate for government action. This
> process is called "state-building" – and the purpose of the judiciary,
> insists Professor Jack M. Balkin of Yale Law 
> School<http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/jbalkin/bio.htm>,
> is to "ratify significant revisions to the American social contract."
>
>  According to 
> Balkin<http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/06/the-court-affirms-our-social-contract/259186/>,
> "the most important function of the federal courts is to legitimate state
> building by the political branches." It does this by supplying the
> appropriate scholarly conjurations every time those in charge of the State
> seek to enrich their powers at the expense of individual liberty.
>
> In this fashion, the relatively modest constitutional state of the early 19
> th century – which, Balkin notes with palpable disapproval, "didn’t do
> very much more than national defense and customs collection" – built itself
> into the omnivorous monstrosity he calls the "National Surveillance State."
> This is an entity that claims the authority to slaughter, torture, and
> imprison anybody on the planet for any reason. From Balkin’s perspective,
> the role of the courts is not to protect the rights of the individual, but
> to issue the occasional theodicy justifying the inscrutable ways of the
> divine State.
>
> "Whenever the federal government expands its capabilities, it changes the
> nature of the social compact," writes Balkin in
> <http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/06/the-court-affirms-our-social-contract/259186/>
> *The 
> Atlantic*<http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/06/the-court-affirms-our-social-contract/259186/>.
> "Sometimes the changes are small, but sometimes, as in the New Deal or the
> civil rights era, the changes are big. And when the changes are big, courts
> are called on to legitimate the changes and ensure that they are consistent
> with our ancient Constitution" – a procedure that frequently involves
> subjecting language to treatment that even Dick Cheney would describe as
> torture.
>
> In order for this to work, candor must be scrupulously avoided, and the
> pretense of constitutionalism must be preserved.
>
> "Courts do not simply rubber stamp what the political branches do," Balkin
> asserts. "Rather, they set new ground rules. The government may do this as
> long as it doesn’t do that. Legitimation is Janus-faced: it establishes
> what government can do by establishing what the government cannot do" – at
> least, for now, until those running it decide that the time has come to do
> what was previously impermissible.
>
> That’s what happened in the Obamacare ruling, Balkin concludes: "The
> political branches sought to build out the American state and change the
> terms of the American social contract. The Court legitimated this result,
> but set new ground rules for politics going forward."
>
> As he points out, both branches of the Establishment party want to
> continue building the Leviathan state, albeit in the service of different
> constituencies: "Most Republican politicians don’t actually want to strip
> the federal government of most of the powers to regulate, tax and spend
> that came with the New Deal. This is because Republican politicians want to
> use those powers to promote Republican policies…."
>
> Thus it was exquisitely appropriate that the Supreme Court’s ratification
> of "the most important piece of social welfare legislation since the 1960s"
> came in a majority opinion written by a Bush-appointed Republican
> conservative. After all, we should expect adherents of the Party of Lincoln
> to be doing the works of Abraham.
>
> In his book *Our Secret 
> Constitution*<http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0195156285?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creativeASIN=0195156285&linkCode=xm2&tag=lewrockwell>:
> *How Lincoln Redefined American 
> Democracy*<http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0195156285?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creativeASIN=0195156285&linkCode=xm2&tag=lewrockwell>,
> George P. Fletcher, a Marxist Columbia University School of Law professor,
> describes how the mission of Abraham the Destroyer was not to preserve the
> constitutional union, but rather to impose a new order – one created
> through aggression by the central government against the states that
> created it, and the people from whom it supposedly derived its powers.
>
> "The new order inherits an operating Congress, Executive, and Judiciary,"
> writes Fletcher, and although federal institutions have been "recast in new
> functions, the forms remained the same." Behind a change in federal
> functions is a new ruling ideology, in which the central government elite
> now acts on "the consciousness of setting forth a new framework of
> government, a structure based on values fundamentally different from those
> that went before."
>
> "The heart of the new consensus is that the federal government, victorious
> in warfare, must continue its aggressive intervention in the lives of its
> citizens," writes Fletcher approvingly. The Founders' Constitution was sold
> to the populace as an austere and proscriptive document that defined the
> few and specific things the central government would be permitted to do.
>
> This arrangement was changed through Lincoln's war of aggression,
> according to Fletcher, since "the liberty that comes to the fore in the
> intended postbellum constitutional order and under the Secret Constitution
> requires the intervention of government. *Liberty is born in the state's
> assertion of responsibility to oversee and prevent relationships of
> oppression*." (Emphasis added.)
>
> That is to say that "liberty" is a revocable and highly conditional gift
> of the State, and that "oppression" exists anywhere there are limits placed
> on the exercise of federal power. One is "free" only to the extent he
> supports, and is subject to, the benevolent rule of the unfathomably noble
> beings who inhabit the Imperial Capital. Questioning their edicts and
> actions on "constitutional" grounds is intolerably impudent – nay, it is
> nothing less than blasphemy, since everything our masters do is blessed
> with the "presumption of constitutionality."
>
> In his recent book *It Is Dangerous to be Right when the Government is
> Wrong*<http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1595553509?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creativeASIN=1595553509&linkCode=xm2&tag=lewrockwell>,
> Judge Andrew Napolitano (one of the few jurists worthy of that honorific)
> underscores the importance of the Supreme Court’s *United States v.
> Carolene Products* ruling in 1938.
>
> The case dealt with a federal statute banning the sale of a product called
> "filled milk." The measure, which was passed as a favor to the dairy lobby,
> was devoid of constitutional authority – but the Supreme Court upheld it in
> the interest of "state-building," and in doing so it promulgated a new
> doctrine of "presumed constitutionality."
>
> "The Court’s reasoning was that the statute should be *presumed 
> *constitutional,
> and thus the burden was on the defendant company to prove that Congress
> could have no constitutional authority and no lawful basis for regulating
> the sale of the product – a nearly impossible showing," recalls Judge
> Napolitano. "By requiring a presumption of constitutionality instead of a
> presumption of liberty, the Court permitted Congress to transgress economic
> liberties for almost any reason it wished."
>
> That presumption invests the federal government with something akin to
> constitutional infallibility: Between 1937 and 1995, as Judge Napolitano
> observes, the Supreme Court didn’t strike down a single piece of federal
> legislation on constitutional grounds.
>
> Many people blessed with sound, sober, and subtle minds believe that all
> of this represents a "perversion" of the original constitution. Others,
> such as the ever-perspicacious Butler Shaffer, 
> insist<http://www.lewrockwell.com/blog/lewrw/archives/114620.html/t_blank>that
>  the federal government has "never deviated" from the Constitution: The
> document was written in a way that *encouraged* government expansion and
> provided the means to accomplish it while sustaining the necessary illusion
> that its powers were effectively limited by law and its administrators were
> in some sense accountable to the people they rule.
>
> Any governmental charter permitting seizure of property through "eminent
> domain" and the suspension of habeas corpus (the irreducible due process
> guarantee) for *any* reason is latently totalitarian at best; those
> provisions offer a glimpse of the "secret constitution" described by
> Fletcher, in which federal power is limited only by the ingenuity and
> brazenness of those who wield it.
>
> Many conservatives reacted to Judge Roberts’ Obamacare ruling by giving
> voice to the same pious outrage they express every time the Supreme Court
> redefines the "social contract." A healthier reaction would be to ask: Why
> should any individual be governed by a "contract" that he never signed, and
> that the other party can unilaterally revise at its pleasure?
>
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