Surveys conducted outside the US shortly before polling day showed
Obama was the preferred candidate in every country but two – Pakistan
and Israel. But unlike Pakistan, where the two candidates were equally
unpopular, he scored just 22 per cent in Israel against a commanding
57 per cent for Mitt Romney.

Given these figures, it is unsurprising that Israel’s rightwing prime
minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, made little effort to conceal his
political sympathies, laying on a hero’s welcome for Romney when he
visited Jerusalem in the summer and starring in several of his TV
campaign ads.

Ehud Olmert, a former Israeli prime minister, accused Netanyahu of
“spitting” in the president’s face, warning that Israel would now be
exposed to Obama’s second-term wrath.

The general wisdom is that the president, freed of worries about being
re-elected, will seek his revenge, both for Netanyahu’s long-term
intransigence in the peace process and for interfering in the US
campaign.

Newspaper cartoons summed up the mood last week. The liberal Haaretz
showed a sweating Netanyahu gingerly putting his head into the mouth
of an Obama-faced lion, while the rightwing Jerusalem Post had
Netanyahu exclaiming “Oh bummer!” as he read the headlines.

The speculation among Israelis and many observers is that an Obama
second term will see much greater pressure on Israel both to make
major concessions on Palestinian statehood and to end its aggressive
posturing towards Iran over its supposed ambition to build a nuclear
warhead.

Such thinking, however, is fanciful. The White House’s approach
towards Netanyahu and Israel is unlikely to alter significantly.

Netanyahu’s bullish mood was certainly on display as voting in the US
election was under way: his government announced plans to build more
than 1,200 homes for Jewish settlers in East Jerusalem, the presumed
capital of a future Palestinian state.

The reality, as Netanyahu understands well, is that Obama’s hands are
now tied as firmly in the Middle East as they were during his first
term.

Obama got burnt previously when he tried to impose a settlement
freeze. There are no grounds for believing that Israel’s far-right
lobbyists in Washington, led by AIPAC, will give the president an
easier ride this time.

And as Ron Ben Yishai, a veteran Israeli commentator, noted, Obama
will face the same US Congress, one that has “traditionally been a
stronghold of near-unconditional support for Israel”.

Obama may not have to worry about re-election but he will not want to
hand a poisoned legacy to the next Democratic presidential candidate,
nor will want to mire his own final term in damaging confrontations
with Israel. Memories are still raw of Bill Clinton’s failed gamble to
push through a peace deal – one that, in truth, was a far-more
generous to Israel than the Palestinians – at Camp David in the dying
days of his second term.

And whatever his personal antipathy towards the Israeli prime
minister, Obama also knows that, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
aside, his policies in the Middle East are either aligned with
Israel’s or dependent on Netanyahu’s cooperation to work.

Both want the Israel-Egypt peace agreement to hold. Both need to
ensure the civil war in Syria does not spiral out of control, as the
cross-border salvos in the Golan Heights have indicated in the past
few days. Both prefer repressive West-friendly dictators in the region
over Islamist gains.

And, of course, both want to box in Iran on its nuclear ambitions. So
far Netanyahu has reluctantly toed the US line on “giving sanctions a
chance”, toning down his rhetoric about launching an attack. The last
thing the White House needs is a sulking Israeli premier priming his
cohorts in Washington to undermine US policy.

A sliver of hope for Netanyahu’s opponents is that a disgruntled US
president might still take limited revenge, turning the tables by
interfering in the Israeli elections due in January. He could back
more moderate challengers such as Olmert or Tzipi Livni, if they
choose to run and start to look credible.

But even that would be a big gamble.

The evidence shows that, whatever the makeup of the next Israeli
governing coalition, it will espouse policies little different from
the current one. That simply reflects the lurch rightwards among
Israeli voters, as indicated in a poll this month showing that 80 per
cent now believe it is impossible to make peace with the Palestinians.

In fact, given the mood in Israel, an obvious attempt by Obama to side
with one of Netanyahu’s opponents might actually harm their prospects
for success. Netanyahu has already demonstrated to Israelis that he
can defeat the US president in a staring contest. Many Israelis are
likely to conclude that no one is better placed to keep an
unsympathetic Obama in check in his second term.

Faced with a popular consensus in Israel and political backing in the
US Congress for a hard line with the Palestinians, Obama is an
unlikely champion of the peace process – and even of the Palestinians’
current lowly ambition to win observer status at the United Nations.

A vote on this matter is currently threatened for November 29, with
Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas apparently hoping that the
anniversary of the 1947 UN partition plan for Palestine will provide
emotional resonance.

Meanwhile, all Israel’s main parties are battling for the large pool
of rightwing votes. Shelley Yacimovich, leader of the opposition Labor
party, last week denied her party was “left-wing”, in a sign of how
dirty that word has become in Israel. She has studiously avoided
mentioning the Palestinians or diplomatic issues.

And the great new hope of Israeli politics, former TV star Yair Lapid,
has rapidly come to sound like a Netanyahu-lite. Last week he publicly
opposed giving up even the Palestinian parts of East Jerusalem,
arguing that the Palestinians could be browbeaten into surrendering
their putative capital.

The reality is that the White House is stuck with an Israeli
government, with or without Netanyahu, that rejects an agreement with
the Palestinians. As tensions flare again on the Israel-Gaza border –
threatening an Israeli attack, just as occurred in the run-up to the
last Israeli election – it looks disturbingly like four more years of
the same.

On Nov 14, 2:18 pm, Travis <[email protected]> wrote:
> ** **
> Mideast mayhem follows from weak foreign policy****
>
> http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2012/nov/12/obamas-second-term-bo...
>
> [image: Description: Description: Inline image 1]****
>
> The head of the Palestinian
> Authority<http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/palestinian-national-authority/>verbally
> smacked down the president of the United States, and the White
> House <http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/white-house/> responded with a
> conciliatory note. Welcome to President Obama’s more flexible second term.**
> **
>
> Shortly after his Nov. 6 victory, Mr. Obama telephoned Palestinian
> Authority Chairman Mahmoud
> Abbas<http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/mahmoud-abbas/>to discuss
> the Palestinians’ drive for
> U.N. <http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/united-nations/> recognition as
> a nonmember observer, the functional equivalent of statehood. Mr. Obama
> asked Mr. Abbas <http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/mahmoud-abbas/> to
> back down from this policy. The Palestinian response was succinct: “No.”****
>
> Abbas <http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/mahmoud-abbas/> spokesman Nabil
> Abu Rudeina <http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/nabil-abu-rudeina/> said
> that after the sharp phone exchange, the White
> House<http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/white-house/>issued a
> “conciliatory statement” that reiterated the U.S. policy stance
> and “reaffirmed [Mr. Obama’s] commitment to Middle East peace and his
> strong support for direct negotiations between
> Israel<http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/israel/>and the
> Palestinians with the objective of two states living side by side
> in peace and security.”****
>
> Palestinians have been pushing for
> U.N.<http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/united-nations/>recognition
> for more than a year. They see it as a means of bringing
> increased diplomatic pressure on
> Israel<http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/israel/>to resume
> negotiations on a settlement of their border dispute and security
> issues. The United States consistently has seen this as unnecessarily
> provocative and unlikely to bring the two parties back to the table.****
>
> Perhaps the White House
> <http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/white-house/>thought Mr. Obama
> would have more influence over events after his
> re-election. It looks instead as if the president is further diminished.
> All the key global players know him and his limitations. His first-term
> attempts to broker a Mideast peace deal fell flat. The administration had
> no follow-on plan to repair the breach after bilateral talks failed.
> Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is clearly not swayed by Mr.
> Obama or his policies, and Mr.
> Abbas<http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/mahmoud-abbas/>seems to
> feel he has nothing to lose by disregarding American overtures.
> ****
>
> Mr. Obama has yet to lay out a specific second-term plan for the Middle
> East peace process. Mr. Obama might have used his symbolic first
> postelection phone call to Mr.
> Abbas<http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/mahmoud-abbas/>to float a
> new approach. He should have at least tried to engage the
> Palestinians using an appeal that they had not already rejected many times
> before.****
>
> Having tried this approach and been strongly rebuffed, the proper response
> is not conciliation. Mr. Obama has not been known for showing much backbone
> in international affairs, but he could take the opportunity of a second
> term to set a new tone. His instinct when faced with strong foreign leaders
> is to bow and concede. His visceral view of the United States as a historic
> global bully forces him to seek to make amends whenever possible.****
>
> The fruits of that approach are sadly evident. U.S. interests are
> retreating across the globe. The world is becoming a poorer, less stable
> and more dangerous place. America’s allies are wary of the growing
> leadership vacuum, and our adversaries wait to exploit an expanding menu of
> opportunities. At some point, Mr. Obama must show some fortitude. If he
> can’t get what he wants from the leader of a small, poor and altogether
> pitiable non-country, how will he fare when the issues are more serious and
> America’s adversaries across the table are simply waiting for him to bow
> again.
>
>  image001.jpg
> 10KViewDownload

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