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Open letter to President Obama

There is a widening chasm between you and Egyptians, Bahieddin Hassan tells
the US president

To President Barack Obama:

Three years ago, I had the honour of meeting you in the White House as part
of a delegation of some 50 human rights defenders from around the world. I
was one of three rights defenders who were asked to speak during the 40
minutes out of the 90-minute meeting during which you and your advisors
were present.

When it was my turn to address those gathered, I urged you to consider the
gulf between the content of your speech to the Arab and Islamic worlds in
Cairo in June 2009 and the reality of American policy in February 2010,
noting that they seemed separated by much more than simply a few months. In
Cairo, you promised to stand by peoples of the region and engage with them,
but eight months later your administration's policy was to turn its back on
the people and work instead with local regimes. I discussed three examples
of this: Palestine, Yemen and Egypt.

Jokingly, you noted that despite being a guest in the White House, I was
audacious enough to criticise the president in his presence. I responded
that the act required no courage at all in light of what happens when we
try to criticise Arab presidents back home, at which the hall erupted in
laughter.

After the Egyptian revolution, I met your commendable human rights advisor
Samantha Power and told her it was time for a second Cairo speech. At the
time, hopes were high that Egyptians would now be able to work to
dramatically improve the human rights situation in the country, and that US
policy would support Egyptians in achieving these aspirations.

Now, two years later, neither changes to the human rights situation nor to
US policy have fulfilled our hopes. Egyptian young people continue to live
in frustration due to the deteriorating economic situation and the repeated
failure of political processes to represent their demands, despite the
sacrifices that they have made for the sake of the revolution and
transition to democracy. Young people taking to the streets to express this
frustration continue to be met with violence.

In fact, while people often write their last wills in their 60s or 70s,
Egyptian youth in their 20s — who would normally be planning their weddings
— have been found carrying freshly penned wills while participating in
protests. But these wills are not written to pass on material possessions
to their relatives, as most of them own nothing of value and can only offer
their lives and their aspirations to live a life of dignity in their own
country. Rather, these wills dictate the details of their funerals: Which
square will the procession proceed from? Which streets will it pass
through? What chants should be heard?

Twenty-three-year-old Mohamed Hussein Al-Qarni, administrator of the
"Brotherhood Are Liars" Facebook page, will not be the last of these youth
to die. He was shot in the neck and chest on 1 February in a side street
near the Ittihadiya Presidential Palace. Since December, the palace
environs have witnessed the torture of demonstrators by members of the
president's party, the dragging and beating of protesters by security
forces in scenes broadcast around the world, and assassinations. Two
prominent cases are those of opposition journalist Mohamed Al-Husseini Abu
Deif, who was shot in the head 12 December in front of the palace, and that
of Amr Saad, 19, who was also shot in the head in front of the palace in
the beginning of February. This violence has also been seen in Tahrir
Square. On 20 November, 17-year-old Gaber "Jika" Salah, the administrator
of the Together Against the Muslim Brothers Facebook page, was shot in the
head with a shotgun. On 31 December, 20-year-old Mohannad Samir, a member
of the 6 April Movement, was shot in the head with a shotgun and entered a
coma for several days before it finally became clear that he would survive.

Rape, which is recognised internationally as a weapon of war, is now used
in Egypt as a political weapon to deter opponents from gathering in Tahrir
Square. According to multiple testimonies in recent weeks, the assaults
differ radically from the forms of sexual harassment prevalent in Egypt in
previous years. According to victims and video footage, female protesters
are separated from the demonstrations, taken to other locations, and raped,
in what appear to be organised, previously planned attacks. The faces of
the assailants show no signs of emotion or sexual excitement. The objective
appears to be to break the political will of the victims through profound
degradation, whether they are raped, sexually mauled, or stripped entirely
of their clothes — if they manage to escape the mob. In more than one case,
a knife was used to penetrate the victims' vaginas, and multiple women
underwent hysterectomies after being assaulted. In this context, we can
understand the attempted rape of a 70-year-old woman known for her
political affiliation as well as the sexual assault of a number of men.

Mr President, when I spoke with you in 2010, I asked why the US
administration condemns repressive practices in Iran while remaining silent
when Arab regimes engage in the same violations. Over recent months,
statements by your administration have similarly failed to address
violations and have even blamed protesters and victims for violence
committed in the context of demonstrations. Indeed, the stances of your
administration have given political cover to the current authoritarian
regime in Egypt and allowed it to fearlessly implement undemocratic
policies and commit numerous acts of repression.

Statements that "Egypt is witnessing a genuine and broad-based process of
democratisation" have covered over and indeed legitimised the undemocratic
processes by which the Constituent Assembly passed the new constitution, an
issue which has in turn led to greatly heightened instability in the
country. Calls for "the opposition [to] remain non-violent" and for "the
government and security forces [to] exercise self-restraint in the face of
protester violence" have allowed the police and the current Egyptian
administration to shirk their responsibilities to secure demonstrations and
to respond to the demands of the Egyptian people, and have allowed them to
place the blame for violence and instability on protesters themselves.
Urging "the opposition [to] engage in a national dialogue without
preconditions" undermines the ability of the opposition to play a real role
in the decision-making processes of the country, as these "dialogues"
seldom result in anything more concrete than a photo-op with the president.

Is it a coincidence that the statements issued by your administration
reflect the same political rhetoric used by the new authoritarian regime in
Egypt? But when these statements come from the world's superpower — the one
most able to have a positive or negative impact on policies in Egypt and
the region, not to mention the biggest donor and material supporter of the
Egyptian regime for the past 35 years — they become lethal ammunition,
offering political protection to perpetrators of murder, torture, brutality
and rape.

I do not write you today to ask you to condemn the repressive policies of
the current regime, or to ask you to urge President Mohamed Morsi to
"cease" using excessive force and violence against Egyptians, even as your
administration was so eager to achieve a ceasefire with Hamas to stop
hostilities in Gaza. I write you not to ask for troops to protect political
protesters in Egypt, or to suspend, freeze, or reduce military or economic
aid to my country, or even to impose conditions on that aid. My request is
quite modest: that spokespeople and officials in your administration stop
commenting on developments in Egypt. This will no doubt spare your
administration much time and effort, but more importantly, it may spare
more bloodshed in Egypt, as the current regime will no longer enjoy the
political cover that the US administration now offers them. Certainly,
Egypt has seen enough bloodshed over the last two years, and Egyptians are
tired of being punished for their uprising.

When in December I met Michael Posner, assistant secretary of state for
human rights and that rare person in your administration who is motivated
by human rights concerns, I asked that he pass on this modest request to
administration spokespeople: that as long as they cannot speak the truth
about what is happening in Egypt, they keep silent.

Mr President, only a few days ago Egyptians celebrated the second
anniversary of their revolution. Meanwhile, the regime commemorated the
occasion differently: by re-enacting the scenes of violence and brutality
seen during the 18 days of the 2011 uprising, adding the new phenomenon of
gang rapes. In one week, more than 60 people died in several governorates,
and there were dozens of reported gang rapes and assaults. Hundreds of
people were arrested and an unknown number abducted. One of them —
23-year-old Mohamed Al-Guindi — reappeared a few days later in a hospital,
brutally tortured, and soon died.

Mr President, I fear that the gulf I spoke to you about three years ago is
fast filling up with blood. In this context, further American statements
supporting the current Egyptian regime will only lead to more Egyptians
being beaten, raped, tortured, and killed. Please, ask officials with your
administration to stop talking about Egypt for a while, at least until we
can bury our dead, comfort their grieving families, treat the victims of
rape and torture, find the disappeared, and read the wills of a new
generation of young people who plan not for their weddings but for their
funerals.


The writer is director of the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies.


http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/1328/21/Open-letter-to-President-Obama.aspx

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