Good Article.  There are other issues that were addressed in dicta within
the Slaughterhouse Cases that I think are important, but in general, a good
discussion.  I would have liked to have attended this, and I am familiar
with the Professor at George Mason who conducts this seminar.

Thanks for sharing Michael!



On Fri, Feb 22, 2013 at 6:30 PM, MJ <[email protected]> wrote:

>
> *The Slaughterhouse Cases
> *by Jacob G. Hornberger <http://fff.org/author/jacob-hornberger-2/>February 
> 19, 2013
>
> At my informal law and economics seminar last evening, we discussed the
> Slaughterhouse Cases, which were decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1873.
> The seminar is conducted in conjunction with the George Mason University
> Economics Society, a great student-run libertarian group that is interested
> in free-market, Austrian economics.
>
> The *Slaughterhouse Cases* planted the seeds of economic liberty and
> substantive due process, concepts that would ultimately form the basis for
> a tremendous legal battle that would culminate during the New Deal era of
> President Franklin Roosevelt.
>
> To set the background to the case, we began with a discussion of the
> Constitution, the document which called the federal government into
> existence. It provided for a government of limited, enumerated powers. If
> the power wasn’t enumerated, then it couldn’t be exercised.
>
> It was the other way around for the states. The Constitution didn’t
> enumerate the powers of the states. That’s because the states were
> authorized to exercise whatever powers they wanted, unless such powers were
> expressly prohibited by the Constitution (or limited or prohibited by the
> state’s own constitution). For example, the states were expressly
> prohibited by the Constitution from making anything but gold and silver
> coins a medium of exchange.
>
> So, then why was it necessary to amend the Constitution with the first ten
> amendments, which expressly restricted the federal government’s
> infringement on fundamental rights and guaranteed important procedural
> protections? The answer is because the American people weren’t convinced
> that the enumerated-powers concept would work to constrain the type of
> people that would be attracted to work for the federal government. They
> wanted express protections, which was what the Bill of Rights was all about.
>
> After the Civil War, the Constitution was amended with the Thirteenth
> Amendment (slavery), the Fourteenth Amendment (due process and privileges
> and immunities), and the Fifteenth Amendment (voting rights).
>
> The *Slaughterhouse Cases* involved the grant of a monopoly by the
> Louisiana legislature to a private corporation in New Orleans to operate
> the only slaughterhouse in the city. All other slaughterhouses were
> required to close down. Anyone who wished to butcher would be permitted to
> do so by using space within the monopoly slaughterhouse.
>
> The state justified the law under the “police powers” of the state. Those
> were powers that historically had fallen within the sovereign powers of
> government. The police-powers concept, which stretched back into English
> and European history, of course didn’t apply to the federal government
> because the federal government had no sovereign powers ­ its powers were
> limited to those enumerated within the Constitution. But the concept still
> applied to the states.
>
> Prior to the enactment of the law, there were slaughterhouses located
> north of New Orleans. It was a nasty business. When the cows were
> butchered, the entrails would be thrown into the Mississippi River, which
> would then carry them through New Orleans. Thus, the law was justified
> under the state’s police powers ­ to preserve the “health, safety, and
> welfare” of the citizenry.
>
> Another factor, however, was one involving public-choice theory. It turns
> out that the owners of the monopoly corporation had bribed members of the
> legislature to provide them with the monopoly, a point the Court might not
> have been aware of.
>
> What is a monopoly? It is a legal privilege granted by the government to
> an entity that enables the entity to be the sole provider of a good or
> service. The law prohibits any competitors. Shielded from competition, the
> grant enables the monopolist to charge higher prices than would otherwise
> be the case, increasing its profits. The Court pointed out the long history
> of revulsion among the English people against monopolies, especially
> because they always come with abusive treatment and shoddy products and
> services.
>
> What’s a modern-day example of a monopoly? Not Apple or Google or IBM or
> any other big company. As long as the law doesn’t prohibit competition,
> there is no monopoly, no matter how big and successful a firm might become.
> The Postal Service is an example of a monopoly. The law outlaws any
> competition in the delivery of first-class mail. If someone tries to
> compete against the Postal Service, the federal courts will immediately
> grant a request by the Justice Department to shut it down.
>
> The lawyer representing the plaintiffs in the *Slaughterhouse Cases* was
> a brilliant attorney named John A. Campbell, who had been serving on the
> U.S. Supreme Court at the outbreak of the Civil War. Believing that he
> needed to fight on the side of his country, he resigned his lifetime
> appointment on the Court and returned to the South to become Assistant
> Secretary of War in the Confederacy. At the end of the war, he was arrested
> and imprisoned for six months. Starting all over again in New Orleans, he
> took on the case of the Louisiana butchers.
>
> Campbell obviously had an uphill battle in the *Slaughterhouse Cases.*After 
> all, the states were empowered to enact laws to protect the “health,
> safety, morals, and welfare” of the citizenry. Clearly, this law related to
> protecting the people of New Orleans from polluted water.
>
> What did Campbell do? He took the language of the Fourteenth Amendment and
> created an ingenious argument. He argued that under the Constitution states
> could no longer deprive people of their life, liberty, and property without
> due process of law. Within that context, he argued that there were certain
> rights that were so fundamental that the government could not take them
> away even if the correct procedures were followed.
>
> In other words, even though the legislature had openly debated and
> discussed the law and then duly enacted it, that still wasn’t sufficient to
> extinguish fundamental rights. Campbell’s argument became known as
> “substantive due process,” which would provide the due process clause with
> two dimensions ­ procedural and substantive.
>
> What was the fundamental right that the Louisiana legislature was
> infringing upon? That right was economic liberty ­ the right of a person to
> pursue any occupation he desires. That fundamental right, Campbell argued,
> trumped the police powers of the state.
>
> The case was decided by a 5-4 vote, in favor of the monopoly. The majority
> held that the three post-Civil War amendments were enacted to protect the
> rights of the former slaves. The majority refused to interpret the
> Fourteenth Amendment in the way that Campbell suggested. The Court held
> that under the state’s police powers, the state had the authority to grant
> the monopoly.
>
> But the real significance of the *Slaughterhouse Cases* lay with the
> dissenting opinions, especially the one by Justice Stephen J. Field, who
> himself had had a colorful legal career. He had begun practicing law on the
> east coast, but then set out for a life of adventure by taking a ship
> around South America to California during the Gold Rush. After a successful
> legal career out west, he was appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which
> caused him to move to Washington, D.C.
>
> Field, along with his fellow dissenting justice, Joseph P. Bradley, agreed
> with Campbell’s argument. He said that the Louisiana law was a clearly
> unconstitutional infringement on the fundamental right of people to engage
> in an occupation. He even quoted Adam Smith’s famous 1776 treatise *The
> Wealth of Nations:
>
> *The property which every man has in his own labour, as it is the
> original foundation of all other property, so it is the most sacred and
> inviolable. The patrimony of a poor man lies in the strength and dexterity
> of his hands; but to hinder him from employing this strength and dexterity
> in what manner he thinks proper without injury to his neighbour, is a plain
> violation of this most sacred property. It is a manifest encroachment upon
> the just liberty both of the workman, and of those who might be disposed to
> employ him. As it hinders the one from working at what he thinks proper, so
> it hinders the others from employing whom they think proper. To judge
> whether he is fit to be employed, may surely be trusted to the discretion
> of the employers whose interest it so much concerns.
>
> Field pointed out that the state could have addressed the pollution
> problems with regulations that didn’t involve the grant of a monopoly, such
> as requiring slaughterhouses to operate south of New Orleans.
>
> Even though Field was in the dissent, his opinion would be read by lawyers
> and judges across the land, many of whom would find it to be persuasive.
>
> At the same time, the Progressive movement was beginning, which called for
> socialistic economic programs and interventionism in economic activity.
>
> Thus, in late 1800s America, the battle was being set, a battle that would
> rage at all levels of American life ­ the battle between economic liberty
> and economic statism. It would constitute the biggest battle in the history
> of the U.S. Supreme Court, one that would culminate in 1937 in the case of
> *West Coast Hotel vs. Parrish.
>
>  http://fff.org/2013/02/19/the-slaughterhouse-cases/*
>
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