Rand Paul won the presidential straw
poll<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/16/rand-paul-wins-cpac-straw-poll>
at
the recent Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), but he appears
to have won the debate on drones by an even larger margin.

A poll of CPAC attendees found that 86% opposed the use of drones to "kill
US citizens," while 70% were against using them to "spy on U.S. citizens".
More strikingly, 50% of respondents at America's largest gathering of
conservative activists agreed with the following statement: "Nearly 70
years after the end of World War II, it's time for our European, Asian, and
other allies to provide for their own defense."

Only 34% agreed with this statement: "As the world's only superpower, the
US needs to bear the responsibility of protecting our allies in Europe,
Asia, and other parts of the world." Another 17% didn't know, weren't sure
or preferred not to say.

The wording of the questions certainly made conservatives more likely to
give non-interventionist responses. One simple edit in the drone questions
–changing "US citizens" to "terrorists" – might have elicited a somewhat
different answer. Nevertheless, the momentum definitely appears to have
shifted. Gone are the days of Americans supporting anything in the name of
US security.

This latest libertarian surge on the American right began with Kentucky
Senator Paul's 13-hour filibuster over domestic
drones<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/06/rand-paul-filibuster-drones-brennan>.
Paul posed a simple question to the Obama administration: Do they believe
the president has the legal authority to kill a US citizen on American soil
with a drone?

In what originally appeared to be a quixotic crusade, Paul won the support
of the top two Senate Republican leaders, many of his GOP colleagues, the
chairman of the Republican National Committee, the National Republican
Senatorial Committee, and grassroots conservatives all over social media,
who began tweeting
"#standwithrand<https://twitter.com/search?q=%23standwithrand>".
He also got the Obama administration to cry uncle on the question of
domestic drone killings, though some mysteries remain.

For Republicans who had never particularly cared about drones or
extrajudicial killings before, the Paul filibuster was great fun. It
allowed them to hit liberal hypocrisy on civil liberties, seldom in shortly
supply when Democrats are in power. It gave them the opportunity to engage
in a messaging war with the White House and actually win. And for the first
time in quite a while, the GOP was able to rally the conservative base
without irritating anyone else.

Almost anyone, that is. The Weekly Standard's Bill Kristol said that
Paul<http://www.weeklystandard.com/articles/sound-and-fury_706660.html>was
leading the "Code Pink faction of the Republican party." John McCain
groused about "wacko birds"
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/07/rand-paul-drones-policy-filibuster>and
libertarian kids sitting in their dorm rooms.

In the not-too-distant past, jibes like these might have been devastating.
Not this time. Tea Party rising star Texas Republican Senator Ted Cruz wore
the "wacko birds" sobriquet like a badge of honor. Kristol's Code
Pink-baiting was mostly ignored.

The tough on defense hawks appeared to have the upper hand as recently as
the Chuck Hagel confirmation hearings. Now Paul was getting conservative
Republicans to question something more fundamental than drone strikes:
whether a permanent war without geographic or temporal limits – that is,
the neoconservative framing of the war on terror – is really compatible
with limited government.

Paul pointed out that if the American homeland is considered part of the
battlefield, then the Bill of Rights goes out the window. And if the
president can commit troops to whatever country he wants based on the
authorization of force most Americans understood as pertaining to
Afghanistan, congressional war powers are the next part of the Constitution
that must be jettisoned. When put that way, that's further than many
Republicans want to go, especially when there is a democratic president.

Paul isn't alone. Not only does he have allies in the Senate like Cruz of
Texas and Utah Republican Sen. Mike Lee, another Tea Party darling, but
there is now a cadre of libertarian-leaning Republicans in the House of
Representatives: Justin Amash (Michigan), Kerry Bentivolio (Michigan),
Thomas Massie (Kentucky), Raúl Labrador (Idaho), and Tom McClintock
(California) to name a few.

There are now thousands of libertarian activists working within the
Republican Party, especially through organizations spawned by Rand Paul's
father, Ron, who ran for president in 1988, 2008 and 2012.Campaign for
Liberty <http://www.campaignforliberty.org/> and Young Americans for
Liberty  <http://www.yaliberty.org/>are the largest. The Pauls' message is
even starting to gain traction among members of more established fiscal
conservative groups, like FreedomWorks  <http://www.freedomworks.org/>and
theClub for Growth <http://www.clubforgrowth.org/>.

The "liberty movement" is now a bona fide wing of the Tea Party and an
increasingly active part of the GOP. But its supporters are not 100%
beholden to the Republicans, either. These voters helped swell 2012
Libertarian presidential candidate Gary Johnson's vote totals to a
record-breaking
1.2m<http://news.yahoo.com/blogs/ticket/gary-johnson-ran-most-successful-libertarian-campaign-party-193500973--politics.html>
last
November.

Foreign policy and civil liberties may be where these activists have their
biggest impact, and Paul has shown the way. The filibuster isn't the first
time he has isolated the neoconservatives from the rest of the party. While
many Americans are only learning about Rand Paul for the first time, he has
a track record of succeeding against the usual GOP crowd. He managed this
feat in his 2010 Senate primary, when Dick Cheney and Rudy Giuliani
endorsed his opponent. And again two years later when his ally Thomas
Massie won a congressional primary in northern Kentucky.

It's easy to see how this libertarian moment could be undone: elect a
sufficiently hawkish Republican president and much of this sentiment on the
right could recede. It's also possible that this wing of the party tries to
rise too fast for its own good. If Justin Amash were to run for Michigan's
open Senate seat next year and lose, followed by Rand Paul pushing forward
with a competitive but unsuccessful presidential campaign rather than
running for senate reelection in 2016, the movement could be without its
two most prominent elected leaders.

For now, that's a problem libertarian Republicans are happy to have.
On Wednesday, March 20, 2013, Steve S. wrote:

> **
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>
> *--- Ayn Rand* ****
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