**

 *Unfortunately I don’t have a link to this.*




 Poletecracy<http://constitutionalism.blogspot.com/2013/05/poletecracy.html> by
Jon Roland

A political or management system can be characterized by the kind of people
it elevates to positions of authority. A number of terms have been proposed
by cynics, such as plutocracy, rule by the rich, kleptocracy, rule by
thieves, or kakistocracy, rule by the worst. But from this writer's
experience with the most influential legislators, bureaucrats, judges, and
corporate executives, the finding is that what attribute is most important
to the success of most of them is the ability to sell and make connections
with other people. In Greek a salesman is a πωλητής, or *poletes*. This
suggests a word, *poletecracy*.

In a few cases technical skills help enable someone to rise to power, but
most people in high positions are not experts in anything but campaigning
and dealmaking. Most are politicians (πολιτικοί) first and foremost. If
they acquire any expertise, it is usually after being on a job for a while,
not while they are climbing. Their personal assets are favors earned and
paid, and being able to have other influential people take their phone
calls.

Robert G. Kaiser, a reporter for the Washington Post, has a new book
reporting the inside story of how the Dodd-Frank Act came to be. Kaiser’s “Act
of Congress: How America’s Essential Institution Works, and How it
Doesn’t<http://www.amazon.com/Act-Congress-Americas-Essential-Institution/dp/030770016X/ref=sr_1_fkmr0_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1370042366&sr=1-1-fkmr0&keywords=Act+of+Congress%3A+How+America%C2%92s+Essential+Institution+Works%2C+and+How+it+Doesn%C2%92t>”,
uses the long battle over the act and his access to Christopher Dodd,
Barney Frank, and their staffs to show how modern congressional legislating
really works. He has identified three main things wrong with Congress as it
presently operates, and one of the most important of these is the lack of
real policy expertise on the part of members. They are only generalists,
depending on the expertise of staffers,  lobbyists, and agencies, and often
not understanding issues well enough to know who, if anyone, the experts
are. It is this dependence on the expertise of others that makes staffers,
lobbyists, and agencies more powerful than they should be for Congress to
operate as the Framers intended.

Because it takes more time than one term provides to learn enough about how
to be effective, and to build the connections they need to get anything
done, they are almost compelled to spend much or most of their working
hours raising funds for re-election, to protect the investment already made
in preparing to be effective, both on the part of the members and of their
staffs and contacts.

The problems are more complicated and difficult for Congress and the
federal government, as it is for large, multinational business
organizations, than it is for local government. States and large cities
fall in between. But as the systems to be managed become larger and more
complicated, they also become increasingly unmanageable.

The problem was discussed in a 1970 paper by Jay Forrester, "The
Counterintuitive Behavior of Social
Systems<http://constitution.org/ps/cbss.pdf>",
in which the author used computer simulation models to demonstrate that
most people, even experts, are not very good at predicting how any given
intervention in a complex system will play out. That leads to the
observation that "if a solution is simple, obvious, and appealing, it is
probably wrong." Computer  models may not work, either, but without them
the policy proposals most people will come up with are more likely than not
to be ineffective or counterproductive.

One innovative proposal to remedy this problem is
sortition<http://constitution.org/elec/sortition.htm>,
or random selection of decisionmakers, similar to the system used by the
ancient Athenians. That doesn't mean a one-step process of random drawing
of names from the rolls of registered voters. The most successful system
that used sortition, that of
Venice<http://constitution.org/elec/sortition_knag.htm>from 1268 to
1797, combined random stages alternating with screening for
talent and wisdom. Properly structured and conducted, it might select
legislators who both have personal expertise from the day they start work,
and who, because they can't be re-elected, don't have to spend any time or
resources getting re-elected. The Greek word for such randomly selected
legislators is *nomothetai*
(νομοθέται<http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/morphindex?lang=greek&lookup=nomoqe/tai>).
If a merit-weighted sortition process were extended to their staffs, and to
the agencies for which they legislate, then we might expect better
performance than we are currently getting.

This article is subject to further additions, so please check back from
time to time, and spread widely.



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-- Jon

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