*http://tinyurl.com/kxahrsz***

*Iran: Managing U.S. Military Action in Syria *

Analysis <http://www.stratfor.com/analysis>****

September 4, 2013 ****

[image:
http://www.stratfor.com/sites/default/files/styles/640_scale_width/public/main/images/179400219.jpg?itok=_QqrSv-O]
****

Iranian President Hassan Rouhani in Tehran on Sept. 3.(BEHROUZ
MEHRI/AFP/Getty Images) ****

*Summary *

Conventional wisdom says that a weakened Syria would undermine Iran's
regional influence, but a U.S. military
intervention<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/syria-comprehensive-look-options-intervention>in
the country could actually benefit Tehran. The government there has
devised a sophisticated strategy for responding to a U.S. attack. Of
course, Tehran would activate its militant proxies in the region, including
Hezbollah, in the event that the United States launches an attack, but it
would also exploit Washington's visceral opposition to Sunni jihadist and
Islamist groups to gain concessions elsewhere.****

*Analysis *

Iran already has engaged diplomatically with many of those involved in the
Syrian conflict. Over the past weekend, Alaeddin Boroujerdi, the foreign
affairs and national security head for the Iranian parliament, led a
delegation to Damascus, presumably to discuss the potential U.S. attack.
Earlier on Aug. 29, Russian President Vladimir Putin spoke with Iranian
President Hassan Rouhani over the phone. Their conversation followed U.N.
Undersecretary-General for Political Affairs Jeffrey Feltman's visit to
Tehran, where he and Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif likewise
discussed Syria. Even the Omani sultan paid a rare visit to Iran,
reportedly carrying with him positive messages from the Obama
administration<http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/obamas-bluff>for Iran's
new government.
****

Notably, the rhetoric from Tehran -- particularly from its military
leadership -- has been relatively tame. Typically the government
antagonizes Washington when U.S.-Iranian tensions heat up, and indeed the
Syria situation has aggravated tensions. Syria is a critical Iranian ally,
and the survival of the al Assad regime is a national security interest for
Tehran. Iran cannot afford to directly retaliate against the United States,
but it is widely expected to retaliate indirectly through militant proxies.*
***

*Skillful Maneuvers*

Iran's strategy involves more than just activating these proxy groups. It
entails the kind of skillful maneuvering it displayed as the United States
sought regime change in Afghanistan and Iraq. Tehran cooperated with
Washington, and it benefited greatly from the downfall of the Taliban and
Saddam Hussein accordingly. The Iranian strategists who helped devise those
approaches are once again in power. Zarif, for example, was Tehran's point
of contact with the George W. Bush administration in the early days after
9/11.****

However, the Syria situation differs from those of Afghanistan and Iraq.
This time it is Washington's aversion to regime change that Tehran is
trying to exploit. In fact, the only real reason the United States would
want to replace al Assad is to curb Iran's regional influence, which grew
considerably after Saddam's ouster. But Washington does not want to
supplant al Assad only to see Damascus come under al Qaeda's control. This
partly explains why Hossein Mousavian, a close associate of Rouhani, wrote
an op-ed Aug. 29 that said regime change in Kabul is "a blueprint for new
collaboration" between Washington and Tehran. Mousavian called for
U.S.-Iranian cooperation to extend beyond Syria to better manage the
crisis-ridden region.****

[image: Syria and
Iran]<http://www.stratfor.com/sites/default/files/main/images/Iran_Syria.jpg>
****

While the potential exists for U.S.-Iranian cooperation on Syria, U.S.
military action undoubtedly would weaken the country. This carries serious
risks for Iranian interests. An unfriendly Syria could cut Tehran off from
Hezbollah, its pre-eminent non-state Arab ally, and jeopardize the position
of its Iraqi allies.****

However, limited airstrikes on Syria that do not undermine the al Assad
regime could actually work in Iran's favor. Such airstrikes could divide
the rebellion between factions that oppose military intervention and those
that favor it. Through their Syrian, Lebanese and Iraqi allies, the
Iranians would then be able to better manage the rebellion, which includes
radical Islamist elements.****

Because these elements have been gaining more territory, the United States
may need Iranian cooperation in forging a new Syrian polity. Washington is
currently preparing to speak directly to
Tehran<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/us-iran-why-they-will-now-likely-negotiate>over
the controversial Iranian nuclear program. The Iranian government has
already linked these two issues, and it believes it could use Syria to its
advantage as it negotiates the nuclear problem.****

*Welcoming Disruption*

Iran cannot rule out the possibility that even limited U.S. action will
weaken the regime. Nor can it conclude that Washington does not intend to
conduct a more extensive, less symbolic air campaign against al Assad. But
it can, however, prepare for either outcome. Strategists in Tehran know
that the Americans have air superiority, but they know Iran has the
advantage on the ground in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq.****

Iran is thus positioned to foment an insurgency. (And the U.S. invasion of
Iraq enhanced Iran's experience in fomenting insurgencies.) Any insurgency
would worsen sectarian tensions in Syria and throughout the region, in turn
further radicalizing Sunni militias. Jihadists gaining ground would force
the United States to work with Tehran to contain Sunni radicalism.****

In the unlikely scenario that the United States becomes embroiled in
another major war, extricating itself from that war would necessarily
require Iran's cooperation. But what really gives Iran leverage is the fact
that since 9/11, jihadists and Islamist groups have had the opportunity to
gain power when Arab regimes collapse.****

Unlike Syria's Arab neighbors, which want stability in the region, Iran
welcomes disruption. It is reasonably secure internally, and it knows its
spheres of influence may weaken but ultimately will not dissolve.
Strategists also believe that having lived under sanctions for decades,
Iran has grown accustomed to suffering. So while chaos in Syria would
threaten inherently weak Arab states, it would not affect Iran quite as
much. Tehran could then exploit Arab chaos to its advantage.****

In light of these risks, it is unlikely that the United States would
deliberately engage in a large-scale military intervention in Syria. But
Iran can never be too sure about U.S. intentions, and it has to account for
the unintended consequences of even minimal military action. It is for this
reason that Tehran has planned for multiple contingencies.****

A lot can go wrong when plans are executed, especially when the situation
is as fluid as it is in Syria. For Iran, this fluidity offers some risks,
but it also offers some opportunities. The commonly held belief that a
post-al Assad Syria invariably would be bad for Iran is not a guarantee.****

Reprinting or republication of this report on websites is authorized by
prominently displaying the following sentence, including the hyperlink to
Stratfor, at the beginning or end of the report. ****

"Iran: Managing U.S. Military Action in
Syria<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/iran-managing-us-military-action-syria>is
republished with permission of Stratfor."
****

** **


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