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Russia's Syria Calculus: Behind Moscow's Plan to Avert U.S. Missile Strikes*
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By Simon Shuster / Moscow @shustrySept. 10, 201380 Comments ****

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The notion of Syria giving up its chemical weapons, or at least putting
them under foreign control, has long been on the table in the consultations
between Syrian President Bashar Assad's government and his allies in Moscow.
****

In the course of the civil war that has been raging in Syria for more than
two years, "we discussed this possibility many times from many different
angles," says Russian diplomat Andrei Klimov. But it was only in the past
week that both Russia and Syria realized that it was in both of their best
interests.****

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Previously, Syria's chemical weapons, which are largely based on Russian or
Soviet technology, helped defend the Assad regime. "They have served as a
certain deterrent against Israel," says Leonid Kalashnikov, a member of the
foreign-affairs committee in Russia's lower house of parliament. Though
Israel has conducted at least one air strike against Assad's forces during
the civil war, the presence of chemical weapons would likely discourage
Israel or any other foreign armies from using ground forces in Syria. But
after Aug. 21, when the Syrian military was accused of using these weapons
against its own people, including hundreds of women and children, they
became a major liability - allowing the U.S. to justify its own proposed
intervention in Syria.****

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Russian diplomats say this changed their calculus on Syria's chemical
weapons dramatically. From Moscow's point of view, a U.S. military strike
on Syria would not only cripple its long-standing ally, but it would also
undermine Russia's biggest trump card on the international stage - its veto
power in the U.N. Security Council. In the past few days, world leaders
have decried the ineffectiveness of the Security Council, which has been
unable to pass any meaningful resolutions on Syria because of repeated
vetoes from Russia and China. "Two and a half years of conflict in Syria
have produced only embarrassing paralysis in the Security Council," U.N.
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said at a press conference on Monday, Sept.
9. This echoed the frustration of U.S. and European leaders, as well as
their allies in the Arab world, who jointly vowed last week to take strong
action against Syria even if it means circumventing the U.N.****

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That would be a dangerous precedent for Russia. Kalashnikov, a lawmaker
from the Communist Party, compared it to the incident in 1939 when the
League of Nations kicked out the Soviet Union, a permanent member of the
organization, in response to the Soviet attack against Finland. This not
only hurt the aims of Soviet diplomacy but also precipitated the collapse
of the world's then most powerful intergovernmental organization. "Today
you can draw this analogy, because the U.N. and its Security Council can
already be called useless," says Kalashnikov. "That is awful for Russia,"
he says, because the Security Council is still Moscow's main tool in
achieving "parity, or at least balance, with the West. And rupturing this
balance is not in Russia's interests."****

** **

With that in mind, Russia set about making itself as useful as possible in
the Syrian crisis over the past week, so that it could not be dismissed and
sidelined as a spoiler on the international stage. (Indeed, some U.S.****

experts have begun suggesting the creation of a new club of world leaders
that would leave Russia and China out.) The result was this week's proposal
to have Syria put its chemical-weapons stockpiles under international
control or even to destroy them. The Russians pushed hard on the Syrian
government to accept such a move. "When the Russian side announced it [on
the morning of Sept. 9], as far as I understand, our Syrian partners were
not yet sure to what extent they were ready to confirm this. But everyone
was interested in a quick resolution of this issue," says Klimov, who has
traveled to Syria numerous times during the civil war in his role as
chairman of the foreign-affairs committee of Russia's upper house of
parliament.****

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That same day, Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem was in Moscow for talks
****

- a piece of fortunate timing that Klimov claims was "a coincidence" - and
that evening, Muallem held a hastily assembled press conference with his
Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, to announce their willingness to
discuss Syria giving up its chemical weapons. U.S. President Barack Obama
said the proposal could be a "breakthrough," and on Tuesday, Sept. 10,
Muallem announced that Syria had accepted the Russian proposal to hand over
control of its chemical weapons in order to "derail the U.S. aggression."
Both sides seemed to be stepping back from the verge of an international
conflict.****

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>From Russia's perspective, this outcome also offers other benefits.
Securing Syria's chemical-weapons stockpiles, let alone dismantling them,
would be a time-consuming and difficult process that would only begin after
the sketchy details of the proposal are clarified and approved by all
sides. These delays, which could take months, would give Assad more time to
crush the rebellion against him, says Konstantin Sivkov, a Russian military
analyst who worked from 1995 to 2007 as a strategist for the Russian
General Staff.****

President Vladimir Putin and his top officials have long maintained that a
Syria without the Assad regime would be more dangerous than one with it.****

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In the past two weeks, while the U.S. and its allies were preparing a
military intervention in Syria, "Assad was forced to pull his forces away
from the regions that had no antiaircraft cover to regions where they would
have cover," says Sivkov, who has also traveled to Syria during the civil
war to consult with local officials. "That was, of course, a temporary
retreat, and he's regrouping. As soon as the threat of American
intervention eases a little, he will finish [the rebels] off with
artillery, tanks and air power. But for now he's been forced to worry about
the security of his own military forces."****

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Acting as a mediator between Syria and the West also raises Russia's
prestige on the world stage. But Klimov, who is a member of the ruling
party of President Putin, says this was a secondary concern. "The subject
of prestige does come up," he says. But more important, "we will just
breathe a sigh of relief when we are able to resolve this crisis near our
borders."****

Unlike the U.S., Russia does face the risk of Syria's civil war spilling
dangerously close to its territory, especially if the U.S.-proposed
intervention leads to Assad's downfall and a regional conflagration. "We're
right nearby. We have the Caspian Sea right there. We have our fellow
citizens around that area. We have tens of thousands of tourists in Cyprus
and Turkey. And those rockets will fly over the heads of our citizens,"****

Klimov says. "So we are protecting thousands of our citizens, whom fate has
left in the vicinity of these strikes. We are not simply trying to cast
Obama in a bad light."****

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Indeed, some Russian officials are enjoying their chance to help Obama find
a way out of the Syrian crisis, which has caused the White House plenty of
trouble at home and abroad. After the chemical-weapons attacks near
Damascus on Aug. 21, "I think Obama regrets that he reacted so
belligerently," says a former officer of Russia's Foreign Intelligence
Service, who holds the rank of major general. "He's losing face. So this is
a chance for the Americans to step back from some of their threats," he
says, asking to remain anonymous. So for all the acrimony between the U.S.
and Russia over Syria in recent months, the interests of all three sides
may finally have come into alignment.****

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Read more:****

http://world.time.com/2013/09/10/russias-syria-calculus-behind-moscows-plan-to-avert-u-s-missile-strikes/#ixzz2eevQyEB8
****

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