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Keeping Score in the War on al Qaeda****

Stephen Tankel       ****

October 1, 2013 . in Commentary and Analysis ****

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http://warontherocks.com/2013/10/keeping-score-in-the-war-on-al-qaeda/****

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I was en route to the Reuters Global Security conference when al-Shabab
launched its assault against the Westgate Mall.  During our panel
discussion, Richard Barrett opined that from one perspective al-Qaeda is on
the back foot, while from another perspective it appears on the march. In
the days that followed, the commentariat was similarly dichotomous. Some
commentary pointed to the siege as evidence that al-Qaeda was gaining
strength and that its threat to the U.S. was growing. Others, including Ken
Menkhaus, an expert on al-Shabaab, said that the Westgate attack was the
latest sign of that group's weakness. Squaring that circle requires we
explore the underlying dynamics that can inform attacks like the one
against the Westgate Mall.****

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Mixed Motives & Blended Attacks****

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The recent Al-Shabab attack is only the latest terrorist spectacular in a
jihadist group's area of operation that killed Westerners. Earlier this
year, jihadists (formerly) associated with al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb
executed an assault on a natural gas facility in the Algerian town of In
Amenas. Both were billed as responses to foreign aggression. Kenya
contributed to the African Union forces and the Westgate attack was clearly
intended to punish the regime in Nairobi. Similarly, Mokhtar Belmokhtar,
the Algerian militant responsible for engineering the In Amenas operation,
said his attack was a response to the French invasion of Mali. Like
Lashkar-e-Taiba's 2008 Mumbai attacks, which primarily targeted the group's
main enemy, India, killing Westerners was the global icing on a regional
cake.****

** **

Those three attacks share something else in common. Each occurred amid a
period of internal tensions, which may have fueled the decision to execute
them, suggesting that while disunity can weaken a group it can also lead to
a ratcheting effect in terms of violence.****

** **

In the case of Mumbai, the 2008 attacks were initially intended to be more
limited. David Headley, who conducted multiple reconnaissance trips to
India, described fierce ideological debates within Pakistani militant
outfits regarding where to focus their violence and disillusionment among
some LeT members with the leadership's decision not to devote greater
attention to the jihad against the United States in Afghanistan or to
become involved in the revolutionary struggle taking place in Pakistan. It
was amidst this atmosphere that LeT's leaders began considering a
spectacular strike against multiple targets in Mumbai.****

** **

AQIM was beset by even greater internal rivalry. Its amir, Abdel Malek
Droukdel, replaced Belmoktar as the group's top commander in the Sahara,
who responded by launching his own jihadist faction. Internal AQIM
communications indicate Belmokhtar attempted to pledge allegiance directly
to the al-Qaeda senior leadership in Pakistan. AQIM senior leaders
chastised him for failing to execute a terrorist spectacular against a
Western target.****

Belmokhtar promptly executed the group's most significant attack against
Algeria in a half decade and one in which numerous Westerners were killed.**
**

When he claimed credit for In Amenas, Belmoktar did so on behalf of
al-Qaeda Central and not its affiliate in the Maghreb.****

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Finally, a few years ago, Al-Shabab controlled much of Somalia, including
the capital Mogadishu. With U.S. support, African Union forces have since
retaken significant territory. Meanwhile, al-Shabab has been beset by
internal discord. Earlier this year, a former senior leader close to the
group's amir Ahmed Godane made a public appeal to Ayman al-Zawahiri to
intervene and remove Godane from power. This followed similar public
proclamations by the recently deceased American jihadist Omar Hamami in
which he described conflicts between various al-Shabab factions and between
al-Shabab and al-Qaeda elements. He also alleged that Godane was killing
off al-Qaeda members and other foreign fighters in a bid to consolidate
control over al-Shabab. Hamami and other dissidents were executed several
weeks ago, meaning the Westgate attack is yet another to come amid internal
tensions and a desire by leaders to consolidate their position.****

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Keeping Score****

** **

Since each of the aforementioned attacks appears to have occurred amid
internal discord and, in the cases of AQIM and al-Shabab, the loss of
territory, none of them necessarily indicate a jihadist group is on the
march. In the case of al-Shabab, it could indicate a group in decline. Yet
for the Washington, success is more complicated than that. It means
negating the threat to U.S. allies and interests, to U.S. citizens and
infrastructure overseas and to the U.S. homeland.****

** **

To achieve that end state, Washington maintains robust intelligence efforts
and deploys direct action, primarily in the form of drone strikes, when
necessary. Its efforts also increasingly entail security assistance in the
form of training, equipping, sharing intelligence with, and otherwise
supporting states engaged in conflicts with assorted jihadist groups. As
WOTR contributors William Rosenau and Ghassan Schbley pointed out
yesterday, Kenya is one of the biggest recipients of U.S. security
assistance and has been since 1998.****

** **

The problem with the assistance model, and it is not one unique to Kenya,
is that it relies heavily on local governments to execute counterterrorism
and counterinsurgency policies effectively. Many fall short in a variety of
areas for a multitude of reasons, some more easily understood and addressed
than others. It's tempting to call for the United States to "do more" in
such instances, but the question is more of what? I won't argue that in
many cases our resources could be aligned more effectively, security
assistance administered more wisely and leverage exercised more
judiciously. Nor am I opposed to direct action when necessary. However, as
I've written before, Washington's objective should remain the pursuit of a
sustainable counterterrorism approach that enables the United States to
manage and degrade jihadist groups without becoming captive to the threats
they pose.****

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