McRinocain is welcome to move there himself. Permanently.

On Sun, Nov 10, 2013 at 5:54 PM, MJ <[email protected]> wrote:

>
>
> *The Deadenders *
> *John McCain wants us back in Iraq *by Justin Raimondo, November 01, 2013
>
> While the rest of the nation has long since passed judgment on George W.
> Bush’s invasion and occupation of Iraq, a few "deadenders" – as Donald
> Rumsfeld dubbed the Iraqi insurgents – persist in hailing this disaster as
> a "victory," albeit one that has been betrayed by the Obama administration.
> Even as the most ideological neoconservatives have, one by one, disavowed,
> apologized for, or otherwise sought to distance themselves from what
> retired Lt. Gen. William Odom called the "greatest strategic disaster in
> United States history," the two Republican Senators most identified with
> this catastrophe have continued to insist they were right. Now Gen. David
> Petraeus has joined the tag-team of Senators John McCain and Lindsey
> Graham and taken to the pages of *Foreign Policy* magazine to make the
> case – and, in doing so, have merely succeeded in underscoring why they
> were so wrong to begin with.
>
> Gen. Petraeus’s fifteen thousand word apologia – egregiously titled " How
> We Won In Iraq"! – is mostly jargon-filled gobbledygook combined with the
> tone of an Emmy Awards speech: in it, he seeks to paint a portrait of the
> so-called "surge" as a great victory, which somehow slipped from our
> fingers. The piece is a panegyric to himself interspersed with mentions of
> all the people he believes contributed to his great success. Ignoring all
> that nonsense, however, and focusing on the substantive parts, one is
> forced to conclude that the General lives in a parallel universe, one where
> up is down, right is left, and the "Arab Awakening" wasn’t a case of massive
> bribery but a "surge of ideas" that simply swept away Al Qaeda-in-Iraq
> and led our forces to a glorious triumph.
>
> Left unmentioned by Petraeus is the fact that we had to bribe the
> foot-soldiers of the so-called Arab Awakening, and that whatever gripes
> they had with Al Qaeda or other "extremist" forces had little or nothingto do 
> with their actual motivations for cooperating with US forces. And
> while the General has no problem trumpeting his own genius in creating this
> Sunni auxiliary to the occupation forces, the Office for the Inspector
> General for Iraq Reconstruction could find no documentation supporting
> the General’s self-congratulatory conclusions of "success." The Inspector
> General "conducted a review of 98 SOI [Sons of Iraq] project files and
> found little information on project accomplishments or successes." One
> lengthy section of the report is entitled "Sons of Iraq May Have
> Contributed to Reducing Violence, but Lack of Documentation Precludes
> Drawing Empirically Based Conclusions." So I guess we’ll just have to take
> the General’s word for it….
>
> Petraeus puts much emphasis on how the "surge" wasn’t just a military
> strategy but also a political tactic that involved giving the people of
> Iraq a real stake in supporting or at least tolerating the occupation.
> Reconstruction efforts, propaganda initiatives, and other "civil society"
> projects are touted – but once the US military departed, these supposed
> "success stories" evaporated like morning dew. The reason is because they
> were never real to begin with, but only the byproducts of the General’s
> confirmation bias and the grandiose delusions of his neoconservative
> supporters in Washington.
>
> The reality is that the "surge" was "successful" only insofar as the extra
> 20,000 US troops it required could continue to tamp down the insurgency by
> simply outgunning it. Neutralizing the insurgency’s periphery by means of
> bribery no doubt had some effect, but putting thousands of Sunni fighters
> on the US government payroll indefinitely was never an option. Once the
> money dried up – along with the patience of the American people – these
> elements reverted to their old ways. Indeed, a good number of them are
> among the frontline fighters of the Islamist rebels in Syria – and back
> on Uncle Sam’s payroll.
>
> While Petraeus is mainly concerned with salvaging what is left of his
> reputation, Sen. McCain is more concerned with somehow proving the Iraq war
> was not only a great victory, but that US troops should still be in Iraq.
> As unlikely – indeed, crazy – as this sounds, it highlights how committed
> McCain (and Graham) are to the wrongheaded notions of the Bush era, which
> deluded our political class into believing they could conquer, occupy,
> and transform a country thousands of miles away from our shores, turning it
> into the Middle Eastern equivalent of Kansas.
>
> McCain’s polemic takes up where Petraeus leaves off. While the General
> never says he wants US troops back in Iraq, and only implicitly criticizes
> the Obama administration for leaving, the Senate’s most consistent Mad
> Bomber and his sidekick openly declare we should never have left. We "lost"
> Iraq, says McCain-Graham, and the country is gong to pieces because the
> Obama administration didn’t negotiate an agreement to keep at least 15,000
> US troops in the country:
>
>
>
> *"Nowhere was the Obama administration’s failure more pronounced than
> during the debate over whether to maintain a limited number of U.S. troops
> in Iraq beyond the 2011 expiration of the 2008 Status of Forces Agreement
> (SOFA) – a debate in which we were actively involved. Here, too, the
> administration is quick to lay blame on others for the fact that they
> tried, and failed, to keep a limited presence of troops in Iraq. They have
> blamed the Bush administration, of course, for mandating the withdrawal in
> the 2008 SOFA. This does not ring true, however, because as former
> Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has made clear, the plan all along was
> to renegotiate the agreement to allow for a continued presence of US forces
> in Iraq. ‘Everybody believed,’ she said in 2011, ‘it would be better if
> there was some kind of residual force.’" *Everybody, that is, but the
> Iraqis. The Americans thought any government that came out of the
> occupation would be pro-American: they were wrong. The government of Prime
> Minister Nouri al-Maliki was and is pro-Iranian, sectarian Shi’ite, and
> at the time contained elements unalterably opposed to a US military
> presence of any size. Without the support of ultra-nationalist Muqtada
> al-Sadr and his fellow Sadrists in the Iraqi parliament, the Maliki
> government would have fallen.
>
> Remember all the triumphalist guff we had to endure when the Iraqi
> elections were held? The neocon blogosphere was awash with images of 
> ink-stained
> fingers held aloft, and the moment was hailed by Bush as a "resounding
> success," while his amen corner in the Anglo-American media agreed. “The
> world is hearing the voice of freedom from the center of the Middle East,”
> Bush bloviated. “In great numbers, and under great risk, Iraqis have shown
> their commitment to democracy.” Every network television station broadcast
> the news, showing Iraqis patiently standing in line to vote and proudly
> displaying their stained fingers. The neocon army to "liberate" the Middle
> East was on the march, and the few naysayers were ignored and/or mocked.
>
> As I repeatedly and insistently pointed out at the time, however, the
> results of those elections did not bode well for the neocon dream of a
> “democratic” Iraq allied with Washington. The megalomaniacs in charge of
> the Occupation Authority thought they could get away with instituting a
> system of "caucus" elections that could be easily manipulated to ensure a
> "pro-American" result: those were the days when embezzler, " hero in error"
> (and Iranian agent) Ahmed Chalabi was being touted by Danielle Pletka and
> the gang over at the American Enterprise Institute as the future leader of
> a "democratic" Iraq.
>
> But Chalabi, who was on the US payroll, had no support inside Iraq, and
> his "Iraqi National Congress" was simply the creation of Washington,
> which had funded the INC in return for the outrageous lies that passed for
> "intelligence" on Iraq’s alleged "weapons of mass destruction."
>
> Aside from that little problem, there was the big problem of the Grand
> Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the powerful leader of Iraq’s majority Shi’ite
> sect, who was demanding direct elections. When the Occupation Authority
> tried to go ahead with the "caucus" plan anyway, Sistani called his
> followers out into the streets and the result was pandemonium. Forced to
> retreat, the Bush administration had no choice but to accede to the
> Ayatollah’s demand – or else face the prospect of a really massive
> rebellion that would make the Sunni insurgency seem like a Sunday school
> picnic.
>
> It was inevitable that if truly democratic elections were held in Iraq the
> result was not going to be to Washington’s liking, and that is precisely
> what occurred. McCain doesn’t say it in so many words, but he would have
> liked to have seen Maliki simply issue an executive order approving the
> Status of Forces Agreement – with the boilerplate stipulation, encoded in
> every SOFA where US forces are stationed, immunizing American soldiers from
> prosecution by local courts. That provision was a deal-breaker for the
> Iraqi parliament, and particularly for Maliki’s own party and his coalition
> partners.
>
> The legal immunity provision is the insignia of American hegemony in the
> countries where we have bases and "interests." By limiting the sovereignty
> of the empire’s provinces in this way, and on their own territory,
> Washington formalizes their subjugation in a "legal" sense. Maliki did not
> and could not agree to this – not without provoking a head on collision
> between the majority Shi’ites and the occupying forces.
>
> If the " COINdinista" strategy advocated by Petraeus had any validity, we
> should have won at least enough hearts and minds in Iraq to make the
> presence of some 15,000 to 26,000 "residual" US troops somewhat palatable.
> As it was, not a single Iraqi party with parliamentary representation
> supported continuing the SOFA. In the end, even the 3,000 " trainers" who
> were supposed to stay on were asked to leave – a far cry indeed from the
> "they’ll greet us with rose petals" scenario projected by the armchair
> warriors over at Neocon Central.
>
> McCain blames the Obama administration for the failure of the SOFA
> negotiations, but is vague about what, specifically, US officials should
> have done short of forcing the Iraqis to comply with our demands and simply
> refusing to leave.
>
>  Iraq is in chaos today for a simple reason: we blasted the Iraqi
> Humpty-Dumpty to bits and there’s no putting it back together again.
> McCain and Graham complain that the Sunnis are up in arms, Al Qaeda is
> back, and the Kurds are growing restive – and yet it was the “two amigos”
> who were loudest in their support of a war that destroyed the only force
> that had kept the country together since the 1960s.
>
> While "what if" is, properly speaking, a category of fiction, it’s useful
> in this case to construct a likely alternative history. What if George W.
> Bush had rejected the advice of his neoconservative advisors and
> "Operation Iraqi Freedom" never happened? Given that the "Arab Spring" was
> already in the cards, and the conditions prevailing in secular
> dictatorships like Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia were replicated in Ba’athist
> Iraq, Saddam’s regime would likely have fallen to the same turmoil that
> engulfed Hosni Mubarak and Qadaffi. If only we had waited, we would’ve seen 
> Saddam’s
> end in the by and by.
>
> While this may not have resulted in a political system up to the standards
> of the National Endowment for Democracy and "Freedom House," one can hardly
> imagine it would have been worse than what we see in Iraq today.
>
> The very idea that we have "lost" Iraq is indicative of the Senators’
> mindset, and the whole reason why the invasion will go down in history
> along with the Vietnam war as an unmitigated disaster for the United
> States: *Iraq was never ours to begin* *with*, since it is, you know, a 
> *foreign
> country*. We have no more "lost" Iraq than we "lost" Mexico after
> withdrawing from that country in the aftermath of the Mexican-American war.
>
> Like Teddy Roosevelt, whom he clearly patterns himself after, McCain is
> an out-and-out advocate of imperialism: Teddy wanted to annex Cuba, *and*the 
> Philippines. McCain and Graham clothe their expansionist agenda in
> "democratic" raiment, but the idea is the same: he wishes US troops were
> still in Iraq, as they would be in Syria if he’d had his way there.
>
> It was Max Boot, one of many neocon Napoleons, who wrote a piece for the 
> *Weekly
> Standard* openly making " The Case for American Empire," and the
> McCain-Graham duo have been its biggest advocates. Yet they are completely
> isolated, at this point, even in their own party – or, I might say,
> *especially* in their own party, where the dreaded "isolationists " (i.e.
> anti-interventionists who reflect the views of the American people) are in
> the ascendant.
>
> I don’t know what the McCain-Graham-Petraeus triumvirate is trying to
> accomplish with their revisionist history project, beyond scoring some
> points off the Obama administration: perhaps there’s some ass-covering
> involved, too. Because the only occasion we’ll see US troops back in Iraq
> in any numbers is in the event of war with Iran, in which case what
> Petraeus insists on calling the Land of the Two Rivers will be a big part
> of the battlefield.
>
> This is an outcome McCain and Graham would dearly love to see, but they
> are swimming against the political tides. Because it wasn’t just the
> resistance on the part of the Iraqis that made the continued presence of US
> troops in Iraq untenable – by the time the SOFA negotiations were going
> full swing, the American people were done with Iraq – and with the entire
> region. If the Obama administration had kept our troops there, they would
> have faced an open rebellion in Congress, in their own party, and in the
> country at large. Just like Maliki, they faced a choice: either get US
> troops out of there, or else risk their own political legitimacy.
>
> McCain still hasn’t learned the lesson of the Syrian debate, when the
> country rose up and demanded that President Obama abandon his plans to
> intervene in Syria’s civil war. The American people don’t want an empire –
> they want out of the "world leadership" business. They don’t want another
> Teddy Roosevelt – they want someone like Dwight Eisenhower, who ended the
> Korean war, cut the military budget, and warned against what he called the 
> "military-industrial complex."
> In the early years of this decade, it wasn’t so clear that the McCains and
> Grahams of this world were and are the voice of that Complex: today,
> however, they’ve quite clearly been unmasked. Their days as forces to be
> reckoned with have already passed. They just don’t know it yet.
>
>  http://original.antiwar.com/justin/2013/10/31/the-deadenders/
>
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