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_Nuclear  Peace With Iran in Our Time: Is This Our  Chamberlain Moment?_ 
(http://www.2dialog.com/bloomfield/t/l/408/h/4a32) 
NOVEMBER  12, 2013 4:35 PM
Author:

_Alan  Dershowitz_ (http://www.2dialog.com/bloomfield/t/l/409/h/4a32) 
 
 (http://www.2dialog.com/bloomfield/t/l/410/h/4a32) 
Saudi  FM Saud al-Faisal greets John Kerry, November  3rd, 2013. Photo: 
State Department.
The  deal that has been offered to Iran-to soften  some sanctions in return 
for a promise by the  mullahs to preserve the status quo with regard  to 
their nuclear program-does not serve the  interest of peace.  This is not to  
discourage further diplomacy and negotiation,  but it is to underline what 
Secretary of State  John Kerry has said:  namely that a bad  deal is worse 
than no deal.  This is a very  bad deal for America, its allies and  peace.
Diplomacy  is better than war but bad diplomacy can cause  bad wars. The US 
is leading the noble efforts,  stalled for the moment, to achieve a 
diplomatic  breakthrough in our determination to prevent  Iran from developing, 
or 
having the capacity to  develop, nuclear weapons. There is little  dispute 
about this essential goal: virtually  everyone agrees that a nuclear armed 
Iran would  pose unacceptably grave dangers to the United  States and its 
allies.
Nor  is there much controversy over the preference  for "jaw jaw" over "war 
war" as Winston  Churchill once put it. But the understandable  concern, 
expressed by Israeli, French, Saudi and  some other leaders, is that the 
Iranian  leadership is playing for time-that they want to  make insignificant 
concessions in exchange for  significant reductions in the sanctions that are  
crippling their economy. Their goal is to have  their yellow cake and eat 
good food at the same  time. These leaders, and many experienced  nuclear and 
diplomatic experts, fear that a bad  deal, such as the one that secretary 
Kerry  seemed ready to accept, would allow the Iranians  to inch closer to 
nuclear weapons capacity while  strengthening their faltering economy. The net  
result would be a more powerful Iran with the  ability to deploy a nuclear 
arsenal quickly and  surreptitiously.
Were  this to occur, we would be witnessing a  recurrence of the failed 
efforts to prevent a  nuclear North Korea but in a far more volatile  and 
dangerous neighborhood of the globe. Were  Iran to use the current diplomatic 
efforts as a  cover to buy time to make a preventive military  attack 
unrealistic, this would indeed be our  "Chamberlain moment", a replication of 
the 
time  3/4 of a century ago, when the idealistic but  naive British prime 
minister made a bad deal  with the Nazis in a desperate but futile effort  to 
avoid deploying the military option against  Hitler's growing power.
Winston  Churchill, despite his preference for jaw,  railed against 
Chamberlain's concession,  describing it as a defeat without a war.   The war, 
of 
course, soon came and the allies  were in a weaker position, having ceded the 
 industrially and militarily critical Sudetenland  to Germany while at the 
same time giving it more  time to enhance its military power. The  result 
was tens of millions of deaths that might  have been avoided if the British 
and French had  engaged in a preventive war instead of giving  dangerous 
concessions to the Nazis when they  were still weak.
The  immediate choice for the world today is not  between diplomacy and 
preventive war, as it may  have been in 1938. We have a third option: to  
maintain or even increase the sanctions while  keeping the military option on 
the 
table. It was  this powerful combination that brought a  weakened and 
frightened Iran to the bargaining  table in the first place. It is this 
combination  that will pressure them to abandon their  unnecessary quest for 
nuclear 
weapons, if  anything will. To weaken the sanctions regime  now, in exchange 
for a promise to maintain the  status quo, would be bad diplomacy, poor  
negotiation and a show of weakness precisely  when a show of strength is 
called  for.
The  leadership of the pro-Israel community, both in  the United States and 
Israel, have shown rare  unity around the issue of not weakening the  
sanctions merely in exchange for the promise of  a nuclear standstill from the 
Iranians.   Liberals and conservatives, doves and hawks, all  seem to realize 
that the best way to avoid the  scylla and charybdis of a nuclear Iran or a  
military attack is to maintain the tough  sanctions while diplomacy 
continues.  As  usual, the only outlier seems to be J Street  whose claim to be 
"pro-Israel" grows less  credible by the day.  Previously, J Street  claimed to 
support tough sanctions as an  alternative to the military option and  
drumbeating.  But now that Israel and its  supporters insist that sanctions be 
maintained,  J Street seems to be supporting the Neville  Chamberlain 
approach to diplomacy:  make  substantial concessions in exchange for hollow  
promises, thereby weakening our negotiating  position and increasing the 
chances 
that the  United States will be forced to take military  action as the only 
means of preventing Iran from  developing nuclear weapons.
This  is the time when the entire pro-Israel community  must stand together 
in opposition to the deal  being offered the Iranians-a deal which is bad  
for the United States, for the West, and for  Israel.  The Israeli people 
seem united in  opposition to this bad deal.  The American  Congress is 
doubtful about the deal.  This  is not a liberal/conservative issue.   Liberals 
who view military action as a last  resort should oppose this deal, and  
conservatives who fear a nuclear Iran above all  else should oppose this deal.  
Indeed all  reasonable, thinking people should understand  that weakening the 
sanctions against Iran  without demanding that they dismantle their  
nuclear weapons program is a prescription for  disaster.  Have we learned 
nothing 
from  North Korea and Neville  Chamberlain?
Alan  M. Dershowitz, the Felix Frankfurter Professor  of Law at Harvard, is 
a practicing criminal and  constitutional lawyer and the author of The  
Trials of Zion. His autobiography, "Taking the  Stand: My Life in the Law", was 
published last  month.
 
A  shorter version of this article appeared in  Haaretz.  









_www.BillBloomfield.com_ (http://www.2dialog.com/bloomfield/t/l/411/h/4a32) 

_Click  here to opt-out from this mailing  list._ 
(http://www.2dialog.com/bloomfield/t/l/412/h/4a32) 


 


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