PARTICIPATION NEEDED
U.S. has no reason to fear that ICC will abuse rights

By CESAR CHELALA and ALBERTO ZUPPI
Special to The Japan Times

NEW YORK -- After the Treaty of Rome was signed in 1998, laying out the foundations 
for the International Criminal Court, many believed that this organ of justice would 
never materialize. There were already indications that the United States would not 
support such a court in all its aspects. Rejection of the ICC became evident during 
the Bush administration, which repudiated the U.S. signature of the treaty. 
Yet, in spite of the U.S. opposition, the Rome Statute has now been ratified by 97 
countries, and the ICC has been in official existence since July 1, 2002. 

During the first and second presidential debates, President George W. Bush referred to 
the ICC and his refusal to ratify that treaty. He called the ICC "a body based in The 
Hague where unaccountable judges and prosecutors can pull our troops or diplomats up 
for trial." That was an unfortunate and misleading statement. 

The ICC exercises only complementary jurisdiction -- and only over member states. This 
is the main difference from other international courts, such as the ones concerning 
ex-Yugoslavia and Rwanda, which have primacy over national tribunals. This means that 
the ICC will act only when the related member state is unwilling or unable to 
investigate or prosecute the case itself. 

Additionally, the case is accepted, it should first be regarded as admissible by the 
prosecutor and by the so-called "pretrial chamber." If a U.S. citizen is accused of a 
crime, the court's judges are obliged to defer to the U.S. justice system, standing 
down for at least six months while the U.S. conducts its own investigation. 

The ICC judges would be able to authorize investigations only if they decided that the 
U.S. judicial system was deliberately obstructing justice. Such a premise establishes, 
in practice, a very high threshold of protection from politically motivated 
prosecutions. 

ICC jurisdiction will be limited to the most serious crimes of genocide, crimes 
against humanity, war crimes and crimes of aggression (in cases of the latter, only if 
a definition of such crimes is obtained in 2009). 

As for the judges and the prosecutor, they will be accountable to an assembly of 
member states that may remove them in case of serious misconduct or breach of their 
duties. 

The U.S. is a country were freedom and democracy are paramount and where everybody is 
supposedly equal before the law and where impunity is not tolerated. So it is hard to 
believe that the American public, if it knew that a hideous crime had been perpetrated 
by an American citizen, would prefer that no investigation be carried out followed by 
a prosecution if needed. 

The Abu Ghraib case is paradigmatic in this regard. When the facts were known, a 
prosecution began and nobody seriously could sustain the view that nothing would be 
done about it. Soldiers who participated in torture have already been prosecuted, 
indicted and convicted. Why should we presume that something different would happen if 
the U.S. became a member of the ICC? 

According to Human Rights Watch, the ICC will provide defendants more rights and 
protections than many countries to which the U.S. extradites its own citizens. The 
White House has recently endorsed a proposed bill that would make it legal for U.S. 
intelligence officials to deport individuals to countries known to use torture to 
obtain information. 

Monroe Leigh, a former U.S. State Department legal adviser has stated, "The list of 
due process rights guaranteed by the Rome Statute are, if anything, more detailed and 
comprehensive than those in the American Bill of Rights . . . I can think of no right 
guaranteed to military personnel by the U.S. Constitution that is not also guaranteed 
in the Treaty of Rome." 

Being part of the U.N. and then being criticized by rogue nations is indeed 
undesirable. But that is the same forum that gave the U.S. several occasions to affirm 
a position, to criticize an opponent and to lead the world. 

Not ratifying the Rome Treaty puts the U.S. in the same unenviable company as Cuba, 
Pakistan, North Korea, Libya, Iraq, Iran, Sudan, Syria and Myanmar, which have refused 
to sign the ICC treaty while all major and emerging democracies have decided to do so. 

It is true that from a realistic point of view no government is inclined to accept the 
prosecution of its own leaders by an international organ. But it is not a question of 
popularity to abide by the law. The U.S. should take its irreplaceable and 
unchallenged role in the ICC, and thus strengthen its role in today's complex world. 

More than any other country's participation, U.S. support for the ICC could help 
establish the rule of law and convince tyrants and despots worldwide that they cannot 
act with impunity anymore. 

Cesar Chelala is an award-winning writer on human rights issues. Alberto Zuppi is a 
professor of international law at Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge. 

The Japan Times: Oct. 27, 2004
(C) All rights reserved 


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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