--- ANDREAS MIHARDJA <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: 

> Tetapi suatu soal yg saya tetap sulit terima adalah
> -- Yg highly educated hanya dari class Brahma dan yg
> dari class Catri dapat kita hitung. Kebanyakanpun
> kalau mereka dari class Catri [ saya hanya lihat
> dari namanya] mereka keturunan Shik. Apakah dari
> class lebih bawah kita dapat lihat - ini mungkin
> mustahil - kecuali kalau mereka ganti agama.
> Silahkan yg diIndia berikan info utk kita semua 
> Andreas


Sdr. Andreas,

Hampir tidak mungkin untuk membuat generalisasi kasta
sekarang.  Sekalipun orang India bermayoritas Hindu,
tapi boleh dikata bangsa ini multi-etnik dan
multi-budaya.  Ada yang Islam (Sunni, Bori/Syiah, dan
Ismaili/Syiah), katholik (dibawa ke Kerala oleh Santo
Thomas pada tahun 50 A.D.), ada yang Sikh (ini kaum
monotheists sempalan dari Hindu yang tidak mengenal
kasta), ada Jain (ini juga sempalan dari Hindu yang
tidak mengenal kasta), dan ada Zoroastrians atau Parsi
(ini juga monotheisdts yang asal mulanya dari tanah
Parsi atau Iran sekarang).

Industrialisasi mengakibatkan banyak orang menaiki
vertical mobility dan menjadi middle class atau upper
middle class, diluar kaum brahmin.  Misalnya, Azim
Premji, orang terkaya dari usaha sofware adalah Muslim
Ismaili.  Habil Khorakiwala, boss farma industri
Wockhardt dan Apollo Hospitals adalah muslim Bori.
Keluarga Tata (JRD Tata dan Ratan Tata) dan Adi Godrej
dan hampir seluruh orang Parsi dari dulu sudah
menempati strata sosial atas.

Menilik kasta Vaisha dari namanya saja (profession)
hampir tidak mungkin.  Karena surname Doctor,
Engineer, Contractor, dan Merchant tidak lagi melulu
orang Hindu.  Ada Kalpana Contractor, editor-in-chief
majalah Upper Crust ternyata orang Parsi.  Ali Ashgar
Engineer ulama liberal sahabat Gus Dur ternyata muslim
Bori.

Memang benar, kaum brahmin entah mungkin dari dulu
terbiasa berfilosofi, sampai ke cucu-cucupun jadi
professor dan engineers dan scientists.  Yang terkenal
adalah Shakuntala Devi, anak ajaib yang mampu
mengalahkan komputer (generasi pertama).  Mereka ini
gampang ditilik dari nama sanskritnya, misalnya
Shailesh Haribhkati.

Akibat policy affirmative action sejak jaman Nehru,
kaum harijan (untouchables) dibidang pendidikan dan
pekerjaan, mereka naik kelas, yang terkenal adalah Dr.
Ambedkar peletak konstitusi India, mantan Presiden
Narayan dan mantan Chief Minister Maharashtra Shusil
Kumar Shinde.  Tetapi setahu saya, mereka yang naik
kelas adalah politisi.        

Salam,
RM

P.S. Tulisan dibawah ini mungkin sedikit membantu.


A CULTURE OF DIVERSITY 

SHASHI THAROOR 

The idea of India is not based on language,
not on geography, not on ethnicity and not on
religion.
The idea of India is of one land embracing many.
  
HOW CAN ONE approach the India of snow peaks and
tropical jungles, with seventeen major languages and
22,000 district "dialects" (some spoken by more people
than Danish or Norwegian), inhabited by nearly 940
million individuals of every ethnic extraction known
to humanity? How does one come to terms with a country
whose population is 51% illiterate but which has
educated the world's second-largest pool of trained
scientists and engineers, whose teeming cities
overflow while four out of five Indians scratch a
living from the soil?

What is the due to understanding a country rife with
despair and disrepair, which nonetheless moved a Mogul
emperor to claim, "If on Earth there he paradise or
bliss, it is this, it is this, it is this..."? How
does one gauge a culture which elevated non-violence
to an effective moral principle, but whose freedom was
born in blood and whose independence still soaks in
it? How does one explain a land where peasant
organizations and suspicious officials attempt to
close down Kentucky Fried Chicken as a threat to the
nation, where a former Prime Minister bitterly
criticizes the sale of Pepsi-Cola "in a country where
villagers don't have clean drinking water, and which
invents more sophisticated software For US computer
manufacturers than and other country in the world? How
can one portray the present, let alone the future, of
an ageless civilization that is the birthplace of four
major religions, a dozen different traditions of
classical dance, eighty-five political parties and 300
ways of cooking the potato?

The short answer is that it can't be done - at least
not to everyone's satisfaction. Any truism about India
can be immediately' contradicted by another truism
about India. The country's national motto, emblazoned
on its governmental crest, is "Satyameva Jayate":
Truth Always Triumphs. The question remains, however:
whose truth? It is a question to which there are at
least 940 million answers.
  
BUT THAT SORT of answer is no answer at all. Another
answer may lie in a single insight: the singular thing
about India is that you can only speak of it in the
plural. There are many Indias. Everything exists in
countless variants. There is no single standard, no
fixed stereotype, no one way". This pluralism is
acknowledged in the way India arranges its own
affairs: all groups, faiths, tastes and ideologies
flourish and contend.

India is not just a country, it is an adventure, one
in which all avenues are open and everything is
possible. The British historian E. P. Thompson wrote,
"There is not a thought that is being thought in the
West or East that is not active in some Indian mind."

That Indian mind has been shaped by remarkably diverse
forces: 

ancient Hindu tradition, myth and scripture; the
impact of Islam and Christianity; and two centuries of
British colonial rule. The result is unique. Many
observers have been astonished by India's survival as
a pluralist society. But India could hardly have
survived as anything else. Pluralism is a reality that
emerges from the very nature of India.

One of the few generalizations that can safely he made
about India is that nothing can be taken for granted
here. Not even its name: for the word "India" comes
from the river Indus. which flows in Pakistan. That
anomaly is easily explained, for what is today
Pakistan was part of India until it was partitioned in
1947. Yet each explanation breeds another anomaly.
Pakistan was created as a homeland for India's
Muslims, but from 1971 till very recently there were
more Muslims in India than in Pakistan.

With diversity emerging from its geography and
inscribed in its history, India was made for
pluralism. It is not surprising, then, that the
political life of modern India has been rather like
traditional Indian music: the broad basic rules are
firmly set, but within them one is free to improvise,
unshackled by a written score. 
 
We ARE ALL minorities in India. A typical Indian
stepping off a train, a Hindi-speaking Hindu male from
the Gangetic plain state of Uttar Pradesh, might
cherish the illusion that he represents the "majority
community", to use an expression much favoured by the
less industrious of our journalists. But be does not.
As a Hindu he belongs to the faith adhered to by some
82% of the population, but a majority of the country
does not speak Hindi; a majority does not hail from
Uttar Pradesh; and if he were visiting, say, Kerala,
he would discover that a majority is not even male.
Worse. our archetypal UP

Hindu has only to mingle with the polyglot, polychrome
crowds thronging any of India's major railway stations
to realize bow much of a minority he really is. Even
his Hinduism is no guarantee of majorityhood, because
his caste automatically places him in a minority as
well: if he is a Brahmin, 90% of his fellow Indians
are not; if he is a Yadav, 85% of Indians are not -
and so on.

Or take language. The Constitution of India recognizes
seventeen today, but, in fact, there are thirty-five
Indian languages which are each spoken by more than a
million people - and these are Languages, with their
own scripts, grammatical structures and cultural
assumptions, not just dialects. Each of the native
speakers of these languages is in a linguistic
minority, for none enjoys majority status in India.

Thanks in part to the popularity of Bombay's Hindi
cinema, Hindi is understood, if not always well
spoken, by nearly half the population of India, but it
is in no sense the language of the majority.

Ethnicity further complicates the

notion of a majority community. Most of the time, our
Indian names immediately reveal where we are from and
what our mother tongue is; when we introduce ourselves
we are advertising our origins. Despite some
inter-marriage at the elite levels in the cities,
Indians still remain largely endogamous, and a Bengali
is easily distinguished from a Punjabi. The difference
this reflects is often more apparent than the elements
of commonality. Karnataka Brahmins share their Hindu
faith with Burr Quorums, but feel little identity with
them in respect of appearance, dress, customs, tastes,
language or political objectives. At the same time
Tamil Hindus would feel that they have far more in
common with Tamil Christians or Muslims than with,
say, Punjabis with whom they formally share a
religion.

Affinities between Indians span one set of identities
and cross into another I am simultaneously Keralite
(my state of origin), Malayali (my linguistic
affiliation), Hindu (my religious faith), Nair (my
caste), Calcuttan (by marriage), Stephanian (because
of my education at Delhi's St. Stephen's College) and
so on, and in my interactions with other Indians, each
or several of these identities may play a part. Each,
while affiliating me to a group with the same label,
sets me apart from others; but even within each group,
few would share the other identities I also claim, and
so I find myself again in a minority within each
minority.





I  
T IS IN SUCH a context that we must understand that
much-abused term, "secularism". Western dictionaries
define "secularism" as the absence of religion, but
Indian secularism means a profusion of religions, none
of which is privileged by the state. Secularism in
India does not mean irreligiousness, which even
avowedly atheist panics like the Communists or the DMK
found unpopular amongst their voters; rather, it means
multi-religiousness. In the Calcutta neighbourhood
where I lived during my high-school years, the wail of
the muezzin calling the Islamic faithful to prayer
blended with the chant of the mantras at the Hindu
temple and the voices of the Sikh faithful at the
gurudwara reciting verses from their sacred book.

Throughout the decades after Independence, the
political culture of India reflected these "secular"
assumptions and attitudes. Though the Indian
population was 82% Hindu and the country had been
partitioned as a result of a demand for a separate
Muslim homeland, two of India's first five Presidents
were Muslims; so were innumerable Governors, Cabinet
Ministers, Chief Ministers of states, Ambassadors,
Generals, and Supreme Court Justices. During the war
with Pakistan in 1971, the Indian Air Force in the
northern sector was commanded by a Muslim; the Army
Commander was a Parsi, the General Officer commanding
the forces that marched into Bangladesh was a Sikh,
and the General flown in to negotiate the surrender of
the Pakistani forces in East Bengal was Jewish.

Indian nationalism is not based on language. It is not
based on geography. It is not based on ethnicity. And
it is not based on religion. India is an idea, the
idea of an ever-ever land.

This land imposes no narrow conformities on its
citizens: you can be many things - and one thing. You
can be a good Muslim, a good Keralite and a good
Indian all at once. Where Freudians speak of the
narcissism of minor differences, in India we celebrate
the commonality of major differences. To stand Michael
Ignatieff on his head, we are a land of belonging
rather than of blood.

So the idea of India is of one land embracing many. It
is the idea that a nation may endure differences of
caste, creed, colour, culture, cuisine, costume and
custom, and still rally around a democratic consensus.
That consensus is around the simple principle that in
a democracy you don't really need to agree - except on
the ground rules of how you will disagree. The reason
India has survived all the stresses and strains that
have beset it for fifty years, and that led so many to
predict its imminent disintegration, is that it
maintained consensus on how to manage without
consensus.

And so the Indian identity that I believe in
celebrates diversity: if America is a melting-pot,
then to me India is a "thali", a selection of
sumptuous dishes in different bowls. Each tastes
different, and does not necessarily mix with the next,
but they belong together on the same plate, and they
complement each other in making the meal a satisfying
repast.

Indians are comfortable with multiple identities and
multiple loyalties, all coming together in allegiance
to a larger idea of India, an India which safeguards
the common space available to each identity, an India
that remains safe for diversity.

If the overwhelming majority of a people share the
political will for unity, if they wear the dust of a
shared history on their foreheads and the mud of an
uncertain future on their feet, and if they realize
they are better off in Kozhikode or Kanpur dreaming
the same dreams as those in Kohlapur or Kohima, a
nation exists, celebrating diversity and freedom. That
is the India that has emerged in the last fifty years,
and it is well worth celebrating. ° 




Shashi Tharoor is the prizewinning author of The Great
Indian Novel. His new book, India: From Midnight to
the Millennium is published by Viking Penguin in New
Delhi and by Arcade Books in New York at $25.95.

 






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