--- In ppiindia@yahoogroups.com, "Samudjo" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> Menurut saya malah pencarian itu harus terus dilakukan
> Tidak akan ada jawaban yang 100%, nanti di Akhirat baru kita akan 
mengetahui
> kebenaran yang sesungguhnya
> Metodenya seperti acara TV H2C, harap-harap cemas
> Punya harapan, punya kepercayaan bahwa yang kita anut itu benar
> Tapi harus tetap cemas, kalau kalau kita membuat suatu kekeliruan
> Begitu Mas, have a nice week end to all of you,
> samudjo
-------------------------

DH: mau mencari? Ini ada teman, Imanuuel Kant,  selamat 
berperjalanan, anggap saja bacaan akhir minggu.

Salam akhir minggu

Danardono


Kant's early writings such as A New Exposition of the First 
Principles of Metaphysical Knowledge (1755), Universal Natural 
History and Theory of the Heavens, (1755), and The One Possible Basis 
for a Demonstration of the Existence of God (1763), engage the 
concept of God in terms of principles and arguments that had been 
framed by the metaphysical systems of Leibniz and Wolff as well as by 
the theoretical structure of Newtonian physics. Kant had not yet 
articulated a definitive break with the approach of the rationalist 
metaphysics of his predecessors, so his discussions presuppose the 
validity of the enterprise of constructing an adequate theoretical 
argument for the existence of God. Even so, he makes a number of 
points in these works that prefigure key arguments that his mature 
critical philosophy will later raise against the way rationalist 
metaphysics had traditionally treated the status and function of the 
concept of God. In particular, these works show that Kant was already 
concerned to address the three main lines of argument that he took 
these traditions characteristically to employ for demonstrating the 
existence of God: the ontological argument, the cosmological 
argument, and the physico-theological argument (Dell'Oro, 1994).

2.1 Arguments for the existence of God: Pre-critical period
Among the three early works noted above, Kant's most focused 
treatment of these arguments for the existence of God can be found in 
The One Possible Basis for a Demonstration of the Existence of God. 
He classifies arguments for God under just two headings, one that 
moves to the affirmation of God from a rational concept of the 
possible, the second that moves from experiential concepts of 
existent things. The ontological argument, as well as the argument 
Kant himself poses in this work as the only valid one, fall under the 
first heading. The cosmological and the physico-theological arguments 
fall under the second heading.

With respect to the positions about the validity and value of 
theoretical arguments for the existence of God that Kant later 
espouses and which are considered his definitive views, there are 
three features worth noting from this earlier work:

First, he has already formulated a central feature of the main 
objection that he will raise against the ontological argument in the 
Critique of Pure Reason, namely, that existence is not a predicate. 
Kant's objection is directed against rationalist accounts that took 
the judgment "Something exists" to predicate a property — 
i.e., "existence" — that is included in the concept of that thing. 
(An example of a property so predicated would be "extension" as a 
property of the concept "physical object.") Fundamental to the 
ontological argument is the view that "existence" is necessarily a 
property of the concept of God. This then functions as the decisive 
consideration for the conclusion that God must exist. Against this, 
Kant argues that in no case — even that of God — can we 
predicate "existence" to be a property that is included in the 
concept of any object. He illustrates this by pointing out that the 
difference between the one-hundred dollars in my pocket and the one 
hundred dollars I imagine to be in my pocket is not a difference in 
the concept of "one hundred dollars." To say that something "exists" —
 even in the case of God — is not to predicate a property that its 
concept lacks if the thing did not exist.

Second, at this earlier stage of his philosophical development he 
holds, in contrast to the position he takes in his critical 
philosophy, that there can be a theoretical argument that validly 
leads to the conclusion that God exists; of note about the argument 
he proposes, moreover, is that it falls under the same heading under 
which he has classified the ontological argument, namely an argument 
that starts from a concept of the possible.

Third, he groups the cosmological and physico-theological arguments 
under a single heading as "cosmological," inasmuch as he sees each 
making an inference to God from our experience of things as they 
exist in the world, but he already differentiates them from one 
another in terms of their relative cogency and persuasive power. One 
line of argument — which he will designate in his later terminology 
as the "cosmological argument" — moves in terms of a concept of 
causality to its conclusion that there must be a first necessary 
being. He does not consider this line of argument, which he sees as 
characteristic of metaphysics in the tradition of Wolff, to be valid. 
As in his later criticism of this argument in the first Critique, he 
sees it ultimately resting upon the same conceptual considerations 
that function within the ontological argument, most notably the claim 
that existence is a predicate. The other — which he will designate is 
his later terminology as the "physico-theological" argument — moves 
from observations of order and harmony in the world to its conclusion 
that there must be a wise creator of that order. This argument he 
also finds lacking in strict probative force; he nonetheless 
considers it an important marker of the dynamics of human reason to 
seek an explanatory totality, even though it does not thereby provide 
a sure demonstrative route to an affirmation of God.

3. God and religion in Kant's critical philosophy
The shift in perspective that Kant takes in his critical philosophy — 
a shift that he designated a "Copernican revolution" — not only 
sharpens the earlier criticisms he had made of the ontological and 
cosmological arguments for the existence of God. It also leads him to 
conclude that no theoretical argument, even of the kind he had 
earlier advocated, can do so. Although there are many aspects to this 
shift in Kant's thinking, one that is centrally important to his 
treatment of God and religion is the urgent need he sees for human 
reason to become self-critical and self-limiting of both its powers 
and pretensions. A fundamental way in which Kant considers human 
reason to overreach its powers — and thus in need of self-limitation —
 is its ineradicable tendency to seek a unification of all 
theoretical principles into a final, comprehensive and absolute 
totality. Human reason seeks to move from an apprehension of a series 
of conditioned phenomena in space and time to the affirmation of a 
ground for such series that is represented as unconditioned, i.e., as 
independent of space and time. Human reason seeks to know what lies 
beyond the range of that to which Kant gives the technical 
term "experience" — i.e., our apprehension of objects as they are 
interrelated to one another in a spatio-temporal framework of causal 
laws. He considers any movement to claim knowledge outside the limits 
of experience to be problematic. It lies beyond the powers of human 
reason to bring us to any knowledge of an unconditioned ground for 
the framework within which we apprehend objects in their spatio-
temporal relations.

This tendency to go beyond the limits of experience culminates in the 
representation of ideas of the soul, the world, and God as the final 
outcome of the efforts of reason to affirm what is absolutely 
unconditioned. Kant argues that it is mistaken to take these ideas 
as "constitutive" — i.e., as standing for objects that lie within the 
scope of our human powers of theoretical cognition. He thus denies 
that there can be any theoretically adequate basis for the arguments 
that the metaphysics of Leibniz and of Wolff put forward as 
theoretical proofs of the existence of God, for the independent 
subsistence and immortality of the human soul, and for the causal 
dependence of the world on an absolutely necessary first cause. 
Despite this denial of the adequacy of such theoretical proofs, Kant 
nonetheless takes the ideas of God, the soul, and the world to have a 
valid philosophical use as "regulative," i.e., for guiding the 
direction of inquiry to be all the more encompassing in scope.

3.1 Arguments for the existence of God: Critical period
The arguments that Kant offers in the Critique of Pure Reason against 
the standard proofs of rationalist metaphysics for the existence of 
God are in continuity, for the most part, with his earlier treatment 
of these proofs. Although he now re-classifies the proofs for the 
existence of God under three headings, the physico-theological, the 
cosmological, and the ontological, his objections to them echo his 
earlier analyses. The ontological argument rests upon the false 
assumption that existence is a predicate. The physico-theological and 
the cosmological arguments can both be shown to rest upon the 
ontological argument and thus share its fatal defect. There also are 
notable developments in his arguments that lead him beyond the 
positions he had taken in those previous discussions. These 
developments are ones that play a significant role in many subsequent 
philosophical analyses of religion. They arise from what Kant 
enunciates as a central argument of his critical philosophy: Human 
reason is limited (finite), but because it constantly seeks to 
overstep those limits it requires a discipline to stay within those 
limits. The appropriate discipline to keep reason within its own 
limits, moreover, is the one that reason imposes upon 
itself. "Critique" — i.e., critical philosophy — is thus the method 
that makes it possible for us to impose such self-discipline upon our 
human uses of reason. Thus Kant's arguments against the adequacy of 
any theoretical proof for God exemplify "critique" by identifying one 
of the crucial limits that we must recognize and set upon our 
exercise of the power of reason.

Kant's treatment of the concept of God and religion in his critical 
philosophy, however, does not consist merely in this negative result 
that we must block reason from taking us along the theoretical paths 
that rationalist metaphysics had claimed will lead to a proof of 
God's existence. He argues that once we have disciplined human reason 
to stay off that theoretical path, we are then in a position to make 
an affirmation of God on the basis of what he terms the practical, 
i.e., moral, use of reason. As he writes in the Preface to the second 
edition of the Critique of Pure Reason (1787), "I had to deny 
knowledge in order to make room for faith." He thus proposes what has 
come to be known as his "moral argument" for God and the immortality 
of the soul. In connection with this argument he also develops the 
concept of "moral faith." Key elements of Kant's moral argument are 
first presented in the "Transcendental Doctrine of Method," which is 
the final part of the Critique of Pure Reason, and are then further 
developed in "The Dialectic of Pure Practical Reason" of the Critique 
of Practical Reason (1788) and in §§ 86-91 of the Critique of the 
Power of Judgment (1790). Elements of the notion of moral faith are 
found in the same texts, as well as in Religion within the Bounds of 
Mere Reason (1793).

3.2 The "moral argument" for God
Kant's "moral argument" rests upon a set of claims about the 
relationship between a person's leading of a virtuous moral life and 
the satisfaction of that person's desire for happiness. Central to 
these claims is the specification that Kant gives to the notion 
of "the highest good" as the proper object for the moral 
("practical") use of human reason. Within the context of the moral 
argument, the "practical use of reason" consists in the exercise of 
our will to choose actions in view of — and solely in view of — their 
moral rightness. In Kant's technical terminology, in such a choice we 
will our actions on the basis of a "categorical imperative." 
The "highest good" consists in a proper proportioning of happiness to 
accord with the measure of the virtue each person acquires in willing 
right moral actions. The highest good thus includes a harmonious 
proper proportioning of happiness to virtue for all moral agents. For 
the highest good to be the object of the practical use of reason 
means that the actions that I will to be moral actions — i.e., 
actions chosen on the basis of following the categorical imperative — 
must also be actions that will effect a proper proportioning of 
happiness to virtue not merely for myself but for all moral agents.

Even as Kant argues that it is necessary for us to will the highest 
good as the proper object of the practical use of our reason, he 
offers counter considerations that seem to show that such willing of 
the highest good will be futile. Chief among these considerations is 
that willing our actions to be moral is not sufficient to insure that 
they will effect the happiness appropriate to their virtue. This is 
so because Kant holds that, in willing actions to be moral, we 
exclude from the bases on which we choose them any consideration of 
the happiness such actions might effect for ourselves. Our choice of 
actions is moral to the extent that they are chosen because they are 
morally right actions, not because of the happiness they might effect 
for us. In addition, Kant recognizes that at least some of our right 
moral choices are likely to produce quite the opposite of happiness 
for us. A striking example he offers in the Critique of Practical 
Reason asks the reader to imagine a person presented with this 
choice: to perjure oneself so that the state can convict and execute 
an innocent person whom the ruler considers an enemy of the state, 
or, to refuse to commit perjury and thus be subject oneself to 
summary conviction and execution. Kant maintains that, in such a case 
we would judge that the morally right course of action is not to 
commit perjury. We would make this judgment, he maintains, in full 
recognition that following the right course of action would be at the 
cost of our own life and happiness. He also holds that we would make 
the judgment that not to commit perjury is the morally right course 
of action even if we were unsure that we would, if faced with this 
choice, act in accord with that judgment.

This case helps to illustrate why Kant thinks that human beings 
endeavoring to lead a moral life find themselves faced with a dilemma 
in which the practical use of their reason produces a seeming 
contradiction in the object of their willing. The practical use of 
our reason requires, on the one hand, that our choice of moral 
actions be independent of any consideration of their effectiveness in 
producing happiness for us. In fact, it will sometimes even require 
the choice of actions — as in the case of the individual who refuses 
to commit perjury — that produce results contrary to happiness. It 
thus seems that reason, in requiring us to will our actions on the 
basis of their moral rightness, i.e., on the basis of a categorical 
imperative, thereby forbids us to consider their effect on our 
happiness. On the other hand, the practical use of our reason also 
requires us to make the highest good, which Kant has defined as 
necessarily including happiness, an object of our will. This means 
that we must take our moral actions to be such that they will, in 
fact, bring about the happiness that is properly proportioned to 
their virtue, even though we have reasons to think that they will not 
do so. We have reason to think they may fail to bring us happiness 
not only because doing right actions may bring harmful results upon 
ourselves. It also seems that, even in cases when happiness does 
result from our actions, this comes about because those actions are 
part of the causal processes of the natural world that bring us 
satisfaction and pleasure. The rightness of the actions does not seem 
to have a role to play in such causal processes. This second 
requirement of reason on our willing of actions thus seems to enjoin 
us to expect our moral actions to bring about that which, precisely 
as moral actions, they do not have power to produce.

3.3 The antinomy of practical reason, the highest good and moral faith
Kant sees this conflict for the willing of actions arising from the 
tendency of reason to overstep its limits. In parallel with his 
discussion in the Critique of Pure Reason of similar conflicts that 
reason produces in its theoretical use, Kant terms this conflict 
the "antinomy" of practical reason. His account of this conflict, as 
well as its resolution, rest upon a distinction that is central to 
his entire project of critique; he used the same distinction in the 
first Critique to resolve antinomies in the theoretical use of 
reason. He employs a variety of terms to draw this distinction in the 
writings that set forth his critical philosophy, e.g., 
between "phenomenon" and "noumenon," or between a "thing as 
appearance" and a "thing in itself." For purposes of his moral 
argument, he expresses this distinction in terms of a contrast 
between the "sensible" and the "intelligible." By this he means that, 
when we consider the relationship between our willing and our action, 
we have two different standpoints from which to view that 
relationship. From one standpoint, that of the sensible, we view our 
actions in terms of their capacity to be efficient causes of our 
happiness. This perspective on our actions in terms of their causal 
efficacy within a spatio-temporal framework is properly the domain of 
the theoretical use of our reason. From the other standpoint, that of 
the intelligible, we view our actions in terms of their moral 
rightness. This perspective views our actions in terms of their 
origin from the exercise of our freedom. For Kant, however, the 
exercise of our freedom cannot be conceptually encompassed within a 
framework of spatio-temporal causality. An account of our actions in 
terms of freedom is thus in the domain of the practical, not the 
theoretical, use of reason.

The antinomy of practical reason thus arises inasmuch as we fail to 
distinguish these two standpoints from one another. The consequences 
of such failure affect not only how we think about our moral action. 
Far more important for Kant are its consequences upon the very way we 
undertake moral action: Uncertainty about the efficacy of moral 
action for bringing about happiness discourages efforts to lead a 
fully moral life. There are two points of focus for such 
discouragement, each of which involves one of the requirements for 
our willing that we place upon ourselves in the practical use of our 
reason. One is that even the sustained moral effort of a lifetime 
does not seem sufficient for us to form the good will operative in 
our moral efforts into a "holy will," the term Kant uses to designate 
the attainment of complete human moral perfection. We thus seem 
unable to meet in full the demand that practical reason, in the 
categorical imperative, makes upon us to be moral. The second focus 
for discouragement is the apparent incapacity of our moral actions, 
precisely in their capacity as moral, to effect happiness. We thus 
seem unable to meet the demand of practical reason that we make the 
highest good — which necessarily includes happiness — the object of 
our willing. In each case, the use of our reason places on us a 
requirement that seems impossible for us to meet. Such impossibility 
would make our moral efforts futile.

3.4 The immortality of the soul
In response to this predicament, Kant affirms a principle that, with 
respect to choice and action, such practical use of our reason cannot 
require of us what is impossible. To the extent that we view these 
requirements of reason from the sensible perspective of spatio-
temporal causality, they will seem impossible of fulfilment. When, 
however, we view them from the intelligible perspective within which 
we frame the exercise of freedom, their fulfilment can legitimately 
be "postulated" in terms of the immortality of the soul and of the 
existence of God. Thus, with respect to the requirement that we 
attain the complete moral perfection of a holy will, Kant holds that 
we are justified in affirming that we will have an unending and 
enduring existence after death, outside the framework of spatio-
temporal causality, in which to continue the task of seeking moral 
perfection. He holds a similar view with respect to the requirement 
that the highest good be the object of our willing. Even though our 
moral actions do not seem to have the efficacy required in a spatio-
temporal framework to produce the happiness proportioned to virtue 
that is a necessary component of the highest good, we are justified 
in affirming that there is a supreme cause of nature — i.e., God — 
that will bring this about, not merely for ourselves, but for all 
moral agents.

3.5 The postulates of practical reason and the categorical imperative
Kant terms immortality and the existence of God "postulates" in order 
to distinguish them from the "ideas" of the soul and of God that 
rationalist metaphysics had made objects of theoretical proofs. 
These "postulates of practical reason" are fundamental components in 
what Kant terms "moral faith." The need for such moral faith arises 
in the context of our human efforts to sustain ourselves in 
consistent, life-long moral endeavor. The requirement of practical 
reason that we make the highest good the object of our will is 
crucial for sustaining us in this endeavor. Kant thinks that our 
efforts in that endeavor will falter, however, in the face of the 
predicament for our willing that the antinomy of practical reason 
poses for us. If we think that the highest good is impossible of 
attainment or that our actions have no bearing on its attainment, 
what basis do we then have for continuing our moral efforts?

Kant's response to this predicament is to appeal to the unconditioned 
character of the moral demand, i.e., the categorical imperative, that 
we place upon ourselves in exercising our freedom. Since our reason 
demands that we will our actions solely on the basis of their 
rightness, and since we acknowledge that we can do what reason 
demands, i.e., that we are free, then we have a basis in reason for 
affirming the possibility of meeting reason's correlative demand 
regarding the highest good. We can make the achievement of the 
highest good the object of our willing, even if it remains obscure to 
us exactly how this will eventually come about. Thus the immortality 
and the God that are postulated as necessary for bringing about, in 
concert with our own moral endeavors, the highest good are both 
objects of "moral faith." Kant is insistent that the affirmation of 
God and immortality that is made on the basis of moral faith does not 
make them objects of theoretical knowledge. They are objects of moral 
faith inasmuch as their acknowledgment is a matter of a free assent 
that is legitimated, but not thereby coerced, by reason. In some 
measure, his account of moral faith complements his arguments against 
the traditional proofs for the existence of God inasmuch as Kant 
thinks that such proofs seek to coerce us intellectually into an 
acknowledgment of that which can only be appropriately affirmed by a 
response of our human freedom.

Kant's moral argument and his notion of moral faith have both been 
subject to different interpretations and evaluations by commentators 
on Kant's work. Some of these disputes, e.g., about the structure and 
validity of the moral argument, arise because Kant's own articulation 
of the argument varies in the writings in which he proposes it. Some 
of the more important objections to the moral argument center upon 
the coherence and adequacy of the distinction between the sensible 
and the intelligible perspectives that are central to both his 
statement and resolution of the antinomy of practical reason. The 
moral argument has also been criticized as an effort on Kant's part 
to transgress, in the name of the moral use of reason, the very 
limits he had set to the theoretical use of reason in the first 
Critique.

The interpretive problems and disagreements that arise about the 
content of the notion of "moral faith" and its significance for 
Kant's critical project are often themselves part of larger 
interpretive questions about the nature and scope of that project. 
One focus for these issues is the set of three questions — "What can 
I know? What ought I do? For what may I hope?" — that Kant himself 
posed as expressing the central human concerns that he took to be at 
stake in the critical project. While the first question arises from 
the domain of the theoretical use of reason and the second from that 
of its practical use, the third is the one upon which Kant thinks 
that both uses of reason must eventually converge. The question of 
hope — and the notion of moral faith that Kant takes to be the proper 
response of human reason to that question — are thus centrally 
important to the unity of Kant's critical project (Neiman 1994). 
Kant's interpreters disagree over how successful he is — if at all — 
in answering the question of hope with the notion of moral faith.

A number of the occasional essays that Kant published in the 1780s 
and 1790s include treatments of some of the philosophical, cultural, 
and political dimensions of religion. An Answer to the Question: What 
Is Enlightenment? (1784) touches upon religious tolerance and the 
role of religion in public and political life. What Does It Mean to 
Orient Oneself in Thinking? (1785) was Kant's contribution to a 
controversy involving F. H. Jacobi and Moses Mendelssohn that was 
sparked by Jacobi's claim that the recently deceased G. E. Lessing, 
one of Germany's leading intellectuals, had been an adherent of 
Spinoza's philosophy and thus, by implication, an atheist. (See Wood 
1996b, and Beiser 1987 for a accounts of this "pantheism 
controversy.") In The Conjectural Beginning of Human History (1786) 
Kant utilizes the early chapters of the book of Genesis as a vehicle 
for sketching elements for a philosophy of history. In a similar 
fashion, in The End of All Things (1794) he makes use of another 
biblical text, the book of Revelation, to explore the moral 
significance of the Christian doctrine of the Last Judgment. The 
brief essay, On the Miscarriage of All Philosophical Trials in 
Theodicy (1791), offers a reflection on the book of Job that serves 
to illustrate the antinomy of practical reason. This prefigures 
Kant's more extensive discussion in Religion within the Boundaries of 
Mere Reason (1793) of the relationship between morality and religion.

The work in which Kant offers his most extensive and systematic 
treatment of religion from the perspective of his critical philosophy 
is Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason. In addition to its 
importance in the development of Kant's view of religion as discussed 
below, this work is notable because of the controversy over 
censorship that attended its publication, the reprimand then given to 
Kant in the name of the Prussian emperor, Friedrich Wilhelm II, and 
Kant's pledge not to publish on matters of religion, which he later 
considered abrogated upon the death of the emperor in 1797. 
(Extensive accounts of this controversy can be found in Wood 1996 and 
Di Giovanni 1996.) Kant published his own account of this 
controversy, including his justification for considering himself 
released from his pledge, in the "Preface" to The Conflict of the 
Faculties (1798). In the first essay in this three part work Kant 
defends the freedom of the philosopher to inquire into matters of 
religion. He places this defense in the context of a larger account 
of the difference between the work of philosophers and that of 
biblical theologians as distinct faculties in a university.

In the four essays that constitute Religion within the Boundaries of 
Mere Reason (hereafter Religion) Kant articulates his understanding 
of religion as a human activity in terms of the account of human 
moral life he had developed in works such as the Groundwork of the 
Metaphysics of Morals (1785), the Critique of Practical Reason (1788) 
and the Critique of the Power of Judgment (1790). The need for 
dealing explicitly with this relationship arises in consequence of 
Kant's further reflections on the notion of "the highest good" and 
its role in the resolution of the antinomy of practical reason. The 
demand that the highest good be the object of our willing inevitably 
gives rise, in Kant's view, to the question: "What is to result from 
this right conduct of ours?" Kant's treatment of this question allows 
him to set forth and defend the claim that even though "morality on 
its own behalf has no need of religion," it is still the case 
that "morality leads inevitably to religion."

3.6 Radical evil
Before Kant offers an answer to this question in Religion, however, 
he provides a more extensive account of the obstacles to right 
willing and right conduct than he offered in his earlier critical 
writings on moral philosophy. Central to this account is the 
development of the notion of "radical evil" in human moral life and 
of the moral conversion that is needed to overcome it. He presents 
the notion of radical evil in Book One of Religion under the guise of 
a philosophical counterpart to the Christian doctrine of original 
sin. His discussion of moral conversion in Book Two then parallels 
the Christian doctrine of redemption. Kant places particular emphasis 
upon human responsibility for both radical evil and moral conversion. 
Unlike original sin, which Christian belief has understood as 
inherited, radical evil is self-incurred by each human being. It 
consists in a fundamental misdirection of our willing that corrupts 
our choice of action. In Kant's terminology, it consists in 
an "inversion" of our "maxims," which are the principles for action 
we pose to ourselves in making our choices. Instead of making the 
rightness of actions — i.e., the categorical imperative — the 
fundamental principle for choice, we make the satisfaction of one of 
our own ends take priority in the willing of our actions. We thus 
inculcate in ourselves a propensity to make exceptions to the demand 
of the categorical imperative in circumstances when such an exception 
seems to be in our own favor.

Overcoming radical evil requires a "change of heart" — i.e., a 
reordering of our fundamental principle of choice — that we are each 
responsible for effecting in ourselves. Effecting such a change, 
however, leaves unsettled our moral culpability for those choices 
that were made under the inverted maxim of evil. In the language of 
traditional Christian theology, what happens to the "old man" [sic] — 
and to the consequences of choices made under that guise — when 
conversion makes us "new"? In answer to this question, Kant 
reinterprets the Christian doctrine of the atonement through the 
death of Jesus Christ. He rejects the view of "vicarious atonement" — 
that Christ takes away the guilt of previous evil conduct by standing 
as a substitute for all of us — in favor of an "exemplary" one. 
Christ thus provides a model in which we recognize steadfast 
adherence in both word and action to the principle of moral rightness 
which we already possess in the categorical imperative as the 
principle for the exercise of our practical reason. Such adherence to 
the principle of moral rightness is fundamental to what Kant 
considers to be the "religion of reason."

Kant's account of moral conversion also touches upon another 
important theme in Christian theology: the nature and function of the 
activity of God in the process of moral regeneration. This process, 
under the heading of "justification," was a central issue during the 
sixteenth century Reformation that lead to division of Christian 
churches in Europe. Christian theology conceptualized this activity 
of God in justification as part of its complex notion of "grace." 
Against this background, Kant's account of human responsibility for 
turning away from radical evil has frequently been understood as 
leaving little or no room for the functioning of God's grace within 
this process. This would align Kant with a much earlier Christian 
heresy, Pelagianism, (combated by Augustine in the fifth century) 
that emphasizes the power of human beings to effect their own 
salvation (Michalson 1990, Wolterstorff 1991; for a different 
assessment, see Mariρa 1997.) Similar issues arise concerning Kant's 
views of other Christian doctrines, such as divine providence, the 
incarnation, miracles and revelation, which seem to require that the 
activity of God intervene within the ordinary causal workings of the 
natural and human world. Kant makes the distinction between the 
sensible and the intelligible in such a way that it precludes making 
any theoretical claims about the possibility of interventions of 
these kinds: To the extent that our human apprehension of such 
interventions is cognized within the framework of spatio-temporal 
events and relations, we can account for them as part of the causal 
working of nature. What then stands in dispute about his view is the 
extent to which it still allows affirmation of the possibility of 
such divine interventions on the basis of moral faith. (See Savage, 
1991 and Mulholland, 1991 for contrasting views.)

3.7 The ethical commonwealth
Kant's account of radical evil does not end, however, with the moral 
conversion of the individual. This is so because radical evil is 
occasioned by the social circumstances of human life and culture and 
it has social and historical consequences. As a result, the moral 
conversion of the individual — or even of many individuals — is not 
sufficient to overcome radical evil completely. Kant explores these 
social and historical dimensions in Books Three and Four of Religion. 
Whereas the first two books of Religion display important links 
between Kant's view of religion and the moral, epistemological, and 
metaphysical concerns of his critical philosophy, these last two 
books exhibit connections to his philosophy of human culture, society 
and history.

In Book Three he argues that the emulation and competition that come 
with being part of society, a dynamic he terms humanity's "unsociable 
sociability," trigger the preference for self that corrupts the 
individual's fundamental maxim of choice. The formation of civil and 
political society — which Kant envisions as leaving "the juridical 
state of nature" — makes it possible to place a limit upon a range of 
external actions that issue from such a corrupt maxim. This limit 
specifically bears upon actions through which we interfere with one 
another's freedom. Kant later enunciates this limit, in The 
Metaphysics of Morals (1797), as "the universal principle of 
right": "Any action is right if it can coexist with everyone's 
freedom in accordance with a universal law." This limit has the 
positive effect of channeling our unsociable sociability into ways 
that lead to the development of culture and commerce. Kant sees this 
as a central way in which the causal workings of nature play a role 
in the moral progress of humanity. Even so, this limit cannot effect 
the moral change needed to leave what he calls "the ethical state of 
nature" in which the maxim of our actions remains inverted. Kant thus 
introduces a notion of "the ethical commonwealth" as the ideal form 
of human social relationship through which the social occasions and 
consequences of radical evil are to be overcome.

Kant had anticipated some of the features of the ethical commonwealth 
in earlier works. His discussion of the highest good in 
the "Transcendental Doctrine of Method" at the end of the Critique of 
Pure Reason characterizes the "moral world" as one that is 
constituted by the interrelation of rational beings in accord with 
moral laws. In The Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals he uses 
the image of a "kingdom of ends" to express the mutual relation that 
moral agents bear to one another when the categorical imperative 
serves as their principle of choice. Developing these earlier 
discussions into the notion of an ethical commonwealth allows Kant to 
explore further the social and historical dimensions of the religion 
of reason that he sees arising from morality.

3.8 Religion, society and history
Just as the central discussions of the previous books of Religion 
showed parallels to important Christian doctrines, the ethical 
commonwealth can be considered Kant's re-interpretation of the 
doctrine of the Church as "the kingdom of God on earth." In what may 
be an echo of the Augustinian-Lutheran concept of the two kingdoms, 
Kant differentiates the external civil order of the political 
commonwealth from the internal moral order of the ethical 
commonwealth. A major consequence of this differentiation is that the 
external civil order of the state can be enforced by coercion while 
the moral order of the ethical commonwealth can come about only by 
the mutual exercise of human freedom. Even as Kant characterizes 
as "invisible" the bonds that link members of the ethical 
commonwealth to one another into a community of virtue, he also 
assigns this community a role in the visible historical and cultural 
dynamics through which humanity is to attain its moral destiny as a 
species. In this role the ethical commonwealth serves as a major link 
between Kant's account of religion and his philosophical treatments 
of the social dynamics that form political and cultural life in the 
course of human history. The ethical commonwealth shares key features 
with three important concepts that Kant uses to articulate his vision 
of the social dynamics that engage human freedom and properly respect 
the dignity of the persons who exercise it. These three are a 
republic constitution for the governance of nation-states, a 
cosmopolitan perspective on cultural and commercial interchange among 
nations, and perpetual peace among nations as "the highest political 
good." Along with the ethical commonwealth they all presuppose a 
dynamic of equal mutual respect for all individuals in virtue of 
their moral freedom. They are all factors in forming the trajectory 
of human history toward what Kant sees as the moral destiny of 
humanity as a species.

Kant provides his most concrete specification of this destiny in 
terms of "perpetual peace," a notion that he sketches in the essay 
Idea for A Universal History from a Cosmopolitan Point of View (1784) 
and most fully articulates in Toward Perpetual Peace (1795). In the 
conclusion of Book Three, Division One of Religion, he describes the 
ethical commonwealth as the community of virtue that assures 
perpetual peace. This suggests that a full establishment of the inner 
moral order of the ethical commonwealth precedes the creation of an 
external political order that will be effective for sustaining peace 
among nations. In a later writing, The Conflict of the Faculties, 
Part Three: An Old Question Raised Again: Is the Human Race 
Constantly Progressing? (1798), Kant suggests the opposite relation: 
Securing an external political order of perpetual peace is a 
condition that needs to precede the establishment of an ethical 
commonwealth which is the achievement of an internal dynamic of moral 
harmony of intent among all free individuals. This poses a number of 
interpretive issues about the final destiny Kant envisions for 
individuals and for humanity as a species (Yovel, 1980). Does Kant 
think that the moral destiny of the human species is attainable in 
this spatio-temporal world as an outcome of human history? Or is it 
instead an "other-worldly" achievement? Or might it just be an ideal 
goal that can be increasingly approximated but never fully reached? A 
related question is whether the ethical commonwealth, or other 
notions, such as perpetual peace, that he uses to articulate elements 
of the moral destiny of humanity as a species, come to replace Kant's 
earlier affirmation of the immortality of individual souls as a 
postulate of practical reason. Finally, there are questions about the 
meaning and the consistency of Kant's use of the terms "providence" 
and "history" as factors in the trajectory of humankind towards its 
moral destiny (Kleingeld, 2001). Does Kant truly hold that there is a 
divine providential order guiding human moral efforts toward an 
harmonious final outcome? Or does he affirm, instead, only an 
immanent, impersonal dynamic of history that anticipates Hegel's 
notion of "the cunning of reason"?

Kant uses the concept of an ethical commonwealth in the second part 
of Book Three of Religion to outline the function of a religion of 
reason within the general historical movement of humanity toward its 
moral destiny. Book Four, in contrast, deals with a number of the 
concrete features of human religious practice and history. As in 
other parts of Religion Kant shows awareness of the range of the 
world's religions, but his primary focus continues to be upon 
Christianity. He first locates Christianity by reference to the 
prevailing Enlightenment conceptual construct of "natural religion." 
He notes that, as a result the obstacles that arise from the finite 
and sensible character of our human make up, a purely natural 
religion is unable on its own to command the universal assent that is 
its due. There is thus an historical need for revelation to be added 
to the religion of reason. The purpose of this revelation, however, 
is not to add something essential that would be otherwise lacking in 
the religion of reason, but to serve as a vehicle for the free assent 
that the religion of reason invites as the response of an authentic 
faith. Once authentic faith is operative, the vehicle of revelation 
will no longer be necessary.

3.9 Kant's criticisms of organized religion
Kant sees a significant negative side in the concrete, historical 
character of the human reception of the religion of reason and its 
ancillary revelation. It is subject to the same dynamic of self-
serving corruption that is the mark of radical evil. In consequence, 
Kant articulates in Book Four some of his strongest criticisms of the 
organization and practices of Christianity that encourage what he 
sees as a religion of counterfeit service to God. Among the major 
targets of his criticism are external ritual, superstition and a 
hierarchical church order. He sees all of these as efforts to make 
oneself pleasing to God in ways other than conscientious adherence to 
the principle of moral rightness in the choice of one's actions. The 
severity of Kant's criticisms on these matters, along with his 
rejection of the possibility of theoretical proofs for the existence 
of God and his philosophical re-interpretation of some basic 
Christian doctrines, have provided the basis for interpretations that 
see Kant as thoroughly hostile to religion in general and 
Christianity in particular (e.g., Walsh 1967). Other interpreters see 
Kant as trying to mark off a defensible rational core of Christian 
belief, but offer differing judgements about the success of his 
efforts. Some (e.g., Michalson 1999) evaluate these efforts as self-
defeating, paving the way for a more radical denial of God such as 
Nietzsche's. Others (e.g., Collins 1967; Wood 1992) see Kant 
articulating an account of the dynamics linking morality and 
religious belief that has positive value for a believer's reflective 
appropriation and practice of faith.







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