The Dutch Stance on Indonesia's Independence  
 
 
The Jakarta Post
Thursday, July 7, 2005


Aboeprijadi Santoso, Amsterdam

Roeslan Abdulgani, an Indonesian freedom fighter who passed away 
last week, was both a player and astute observer of a key episode 
that was seen as most heroic by Indonesia, and most painful for the 
Dutch. His death coincided with a changing mood in the Netherlands 
about their perception of Indonesia's independence struggle -- of 
which the most recent example is H. Th. Bussemaker's new book, 
Bersiap! Opstand in het paradijs (Be prepared! Rebellion in 
paradise), 2005.

Of all wars, civil wars may be the worst. For the Indo's -- those of 
mixed Dutch-Indonesian blood -- the civil war of August 1945-1946 
came as a great shock because it painfully destroyed their dream of 
a homeland. Treated as (pro) Dutch, they were victimized, turning 
this violent episode, called the "Bersiap period", into a most 
traumatic one. Half a century on, it has shaped a distinct community 
here. 

Bersiap is Indonesian for "be ready"; but to the Indo's, it evokes a 
memory of a hell in a country that they considered home, yet a 
country that ultimately forced them to leave for another they 
regarded as foreign. Once in the Netherlands, they were neither 
welcomed nor honored as Netherlands' World War II victims. 

Only last week, after six decades, the Dutch government offered 
a "mea culpa" (formal acknowledgement of error or fault). Too 
little, too late for loyal groups that have already integrated into 
Dutch society. So, they keep their collective memory and cultivate 
their own identity -- one which they celebrate annually with a Pasar 
Malam Besar (great night market or festival). Stripped of their 
original habitat, they have become "people without history". 

It was to a crucial part of this history that both the late Roeslan 
Abdulgani and H. Th. Bussemaker were keen witnesses. Unlike then 
Dutch policymakers and many war-veterans, Bussenmaker, an ex-Dutch 
marine in Central Java, who never met Roeslan, considers him not 
a "terrorist" or "collaborator with Japan", but as a "freedom 
fighter" and an intellectual among the pemuda's (young 
revolutionaries). 

In a Radio Netherlands documentary of 1997, Roeslan likened the 
pemuda revolution to "a huge serpent". Surabaya, where he was born 
into a pious Muslim family (1914) and educated at a Dutch high 
school, was a trading and industrial city-port with a small "feudal" 
layer and a large working class. A excellent narrator, Roeslan 
vividly described the spirit of the time. 

Jakarta, where the revolutionary leaders and intellectuals resided, 
was "the head of the serpent", which could not fully control "its 
tail", i.e. the passionate responses of the awakened masses 
throughout Java that were ready to support and defend the country's 
independence.

"Imagine, Surabaya had been completely darkened (i.e. without 
electricity) for three and half years (until Aug. 23, 1945) and it 
was continuously bombarded by Japan and the Allied forces. And it 
was Ramadhan (Muslim holy month)." 

So it was only natural that the people passionately welcomed the 
independence proclamation, "but," said Roeslan, "these pemudas, this 
tail of the serpent, often acted on their own." This eventually led 
to tensions with leaders in Jakarta as the Dutch returned along with 
the British forces, while some Japanese resisted the pemudas' 
control. 

Despite pressures by their leaders, local pemuda's refused to 
cooperate with Allied forces. Incidents like one with the Allied 
mission led by Dutch officer Col. Huijer, which Roeslan narrated in 
detail and Bussemaker described in his book, ultimately led to the 
battle of Nov. 10, now celebrated as Indonesia's Heroes Day.

Bussemaker has done a great service by integrating the developments 
in various regions during this critical period. His book is the 
first study examining the complex interplay in Java and Sumatra of 
the four forces -- the British (who came to establish Allied 
control), the Dutch (who were eager to regain control), the Japanese 
(who sought to collaborate with the Indonesian leaders) and "about 
two million" young revolutionaries. 

Like revolutionaries elsewhere, but thanks in particular to the 
Japanese military training (this was probably the origin of the term 
bersiap among the pemuda's -- not from the pathfinders, as 
Bussemaker suggests), the pemuda's were impatient. Bussemaker's 
metaphor was similar to Roeslan's "serpent": It was lever en masse 
(massive stand up); in the French revolution (1789-1791) 
also, "foreign threats incited mass mobilization of the youth." 

Bussemaker praises the republican leaders in Jakarta, who succeeded 
in an orderly takeover of the Japanese administration, but 
criticizes The Hague's policymakers who forbid Dutch officials from 
being "in the same room with Sukarno, let alone talking to him." 
It's was this perception of Sukarno and Hatta as "Japanese 
collaborators", rather than as freedom fighters -- as Roeslan and, 
now, Bussemaker made clear -- that was completely mistaken.

Bussemaker's book signifies another shift in Dutch views on 
Indonesia's independence. 

In 1995, then Dutch minister Jan Pronk proposed that the government 
officially recognize Aug. 17, 1945 as Indonesia's independence day, 
rather than of Dec. 27, 1949. Fearing war-veterans' anger, though, 
then PM Wim Kok resisted Pronk's idea. As a consequence, Queen 
Beatrice's wish to attend the 50th anniversary of Aug. 17 in Jakarta 
in 1995, could not materialize. 

With most war-veterans apparently no longer resisting that idea, The 
Hague could now do just what Pronk proposed -- a mission that the 
Jakarta-born Dutch Foreign Minister Bernhard Bot might accomplish if 
he attends the 60th celebration of Indonesia's independence day. 
This could be a rare opportunity to remove what Roeslan Abdulgani 
once called the "Dutch wound." 

The writer is a journalist with Radio Netherlands.
 





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Lebih Baik, in Commonality & Shared Destiny. http://www.ppi-india.org
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