Artikel ini di muat di majalah Der Spiegel online
lho, yang kata sebagian orang majalah milik
* orang Yahudi *. Ini bukan dari koran-2
'typically UK leftist newspapers'  seperti 
misalnya * the Independent * ataupun 
* The Guardian *.

terimakasih kepada rekan yang telah
mengirim link ke artikel ini.

===( ihaem )=============================


August 25, 2005 
 
<http://service.spiegel.de/cache/international/0,1518,371411,00.html>

=================
IRAQ'S UNSEEN WAR
=================

The Photos Washington Doesn't Want You To See

By Gary Kamiya 

The grim reality of Iraq rarely appears in the American 
press. A photo gallery reveals the war's horrible human toll. 

AP
Images like this have rarely appeared in the world's media 


This is a war the Bush administration does not want Americans 
to see. From the beginning, the U.S. government has attempted 
to censor information about the Iraq war, prohibiting photographs 
of the coffins of U.S. troops returning home and refusing as 
a matter of policy to keep track of the number of Iraqis who 
have been killed. President Bush has yet to attend a single 
funeral of a soldier killed in Iraq. 


---------------------------------------------------------------
Photo Gallery
---------------------------------------------------------------
Click here to view the accompanying photo gallery on Salon.com. 
---------------------------------------------------------------
 

To be sure, this see-no-evil approach is neither surprising 
nor new. With the qualified exception of the Vietnam War, when 
images of body bags appeared frequently on the nightly news, 
American governments have always tightly controlled images of 
war. There is good reason for this. In war, a picture really is 
worth a thousand words. No story about a battle, no matter how 
eloquent, possesses the raw power of a photograph. And when it 
comes to war's ultimate consequences -- death and suffering -- 
there is simply no comparison: a photo of a dead man or woman 
has the capacity to unsettle those who see it, sometimes forever. 
The bloated corpses photographed by Mathew Brady after Antietam 
remain in the mind, their puffy, shocked faces haunting us like 
an obscene truth almost 150 years after the soldiers were cut 
down. 

 
"War is hell," said Gen. Sherman, and everyone dutifully agrees. Yet 
the hell in Iraq is almost never shown. The few exceptions -- the 
charred bodies of American contractors hanging from a bridge in 
Fallujah, the blood-spattered little girl wailing after her parents 
were killed next to her -- only prove the rule. Governments keep war 
hidden because it is hideous. To allow citizens to see its reality -- 
the shattered bodies, the wounded children, the incomprehensible 
mayhem -- is to risk eroding popular support for it. This is 
particularly true with wars that have less than overwhelming popular 
support to begin with. In the case of Vietnam, battlefield images 
played an important role in turning the tide of public opinion. And 
in Iraq, a war whose official justification has turned out to be 
false, and which a majority of the American people now believe to 
have been a mistake, the administration would prefer that these grim 
images never be seen. 

But the media is also responsible for sanitizing the Iraq war, at 
times rendering it almost invisible. Most American publications have 
been reluctant to run graphic war images. Almost no photographs of 
the 1,868 U.S. troops who have been killed to date in Iraq have 
appeared in U.S. publications. In May 2005, the Los Angeles Times 
surveyed six major newspapers and the nation's two leading 
newsmagazines, and found that over a six-month period, no images of 
dead American troops appeared in the New York Times, Washington Post, 
Los Angeles Times, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Atlanta Journal-
Constitution, Time or Newsweek. A single image of a covered body of a 
slain American ran in the Seattle Times. There were also 
comparatively few images of wounded Americans. The publications 
surveyed tended to run more images of dead or wounded Iraqis, but 
they have hardly been depicted in large numbers either. 

There are a number of reasons why the media has shied away from 
running graphic images from Iraq. Some are simple logistics: There 
are very few photographers in Iraq. Freelance reporter and 
photographer Mitchell Prothero, a Salon contributor, estimates there 
are "maybe a dozen or two Western photographers" in Iraq, in addition 
to Iraqi and Arab stringers, who do most of the work for newswires. 
Ten or 20 photographers trying to cover a country the size of Sweden, 
under extremely difficult and dangerous conditions, are unlikely to 
be on the scene when violence erupts. 

Moreover, most photographers are embedded with U.S. troops, a 
situation that imposes its own limits. Military regulations prevent 
photographers from publishing photographs of dead or wounded soldiers 
until their families have been notified, which can diminish the news 
value of the photographs. And although embed rules allow 
photographers to take pictures of dead or wounded troops, the reality 
on the ground can be different. Soldiers do not want photographers -- 
especially ones they aren't comfortable with -- taking pictures of 
their dead or wounded buddies. This is understandable, but it can 
result in de facto censorship. 

One photographer, who requested anonymity because he didn't want to 
jeopardize his ongoing relationship with the U.S. military, told 
Salon, "I've had unit commanders tell me flat out that if anybody 
gets wounded on patrol, you can't take any pictures of them. Nearly 
every time I've landed at [a medevac] scene, guys have yelled at 
me, 'Get the fuck away from me. Don't take my friend's picture. Get 
back on the helicopter.' Part of me understands that. I am a stranger 
to them. And they are very emotional. Their friend has been badly 
hurt or wounded, and they've probably all just been shot at 15 
minutes before. I totally understand that, although it is a violation 
of embed rules." 

But it isn't just the troops. Editors in the States are reluctant to 
run graphic photographs. There are various reasons for this. Perhaps 
the most important is taste: Many publications think graphic images 
are just too disturbing. Business considerations doubtless also play 
a role, although few editors would admit that; graphic images upset 
some readers and can scare off advertisers. (Salon pulled all 
advertising, except house ads, off the pages of this gallery.) And 
there are political considerations: Supporters of the war often 
accuse the media of playing up bad news at the expense of more 
positive developments. To run images of corpses is to risk being 
criticized of antiwar bias. When "Nightline" ran photographs of the 
faces of all the U.S. troops who had been killed in Iraq, 
conservative groups were enraged and accused the network of harming 
morale. Not every publisher is anxious to walk into this kind of 
trouble. 

The reluctance of American publications to run shocking images 
contrasts with the European press. "In my experience and in 
conversations with other people who've been doing this a lot longer 
than me, American publications shy away from extremely graphic 
material, compared to European ones," says Prothero. "I don't know 
whether the American audience reacts more strongly against seeing 
that over the breakfast table. I do know, anecdotally, that many very 
talented photographers, on staff, have taken pictures that have not 
run in magazines or newspapers. Maybe it's not a conscious decision 
but American publications very much shy away from showing casualties 
of U.S. troops on the ground. I think they're afraid the American 
public will freak out on them for showing dead American boys." 

Photographer Stephanie Sinclair's unforgettable photograph of a 6-
year-old Iraqi girl killed by an American cluster bomb, which appears 
in the gallery, originally ran in the Chicago Tribune. Robin 
Daughtridge, the Tribune's deputy director of photography, told Salon 
that after the photographs first came in, "the news editor was 
worried about running them without an accompanying story." Others in 
the newsroom thought the photographs "were too graphic, and too much, 
because we generally don't run tight pictures of dead bodies. We had 
run pictures of dead Iraqi soldiers and a dead bus driver before, so 
there was a precedent for running them, but we don't take it 
lightly." They ended up calling the paper's editor in chief, Ann 
Marie Lipinski, who assigned a reporter to do a piece on cluster 
bombs and their legacy. 

Ultimately, Daughtridge said, politics didn't enter into the 
decision: "It was more about the fact that if we're going to show 
this death up close and personal, we better have a story behind it. 
All of us in the newsroom are trying to tell the story and letting 
the readers make up their own minds." She added, "I felt proud of 
what we did that day. All of this stuff that you hear about happening 
to families in Iraq doesn't really hit home until you see that 
picture of the little girl." 

For her part, Sinclair praised the Tribune for running the photo and 
the story. But, she said, "some of the publications I've worked for 
didn't run a lot of the Iraqi civilian stuff, the graphic pictures, 
the emotional pictures. I found that the Iraqi civilian story was 
really hard to get published in U.S. publications. And I worked for 
many. I don't know why. I think they're looking at their readership 
and they think their readers want to know about American troops, 
since they can relate to them more. They think that's what the 
audience wants." 

Sinclair also noted that American readers and viewers get only a 
sanitized view of the horrific consequences of suicide bombings. "A 
lot of the bombing stuff that you see is really toned down. To be 
honest, sometimes it should be. God, it's relentless. It's hard to 
look at. People have no idea what's happening in Iraq. You wonder, 
even as a photographer, if you're being gratuitous by photographing 
some of this. At the same time, as horrific as it is to see, people 
should know how horrific it is to live it every day. We should feel 
some sort of responsibility to make sure we have the best possible 
grasp of what's happening there." 

It is because we believe that the American people are not getting a 
look at the reality of the Iraq war, for Americans and Iraqis alike, 
that we decided to run this photo gallery. It is no secret that Salon 
has published many more pieces questioning and challenging the Iraq 
war than supporting it. But that is not why we think it is important 
that these images be seen. We would have run them even if we 
supported the war. The reason is simple: The truth should be told. 
People should know the truth about war. Before a nation decides to go 
to war, it should know what its consequences are. 

There is no way for any journalist, whether reporter or photographer, 
to capture the multifaceted reality of Iraq. But all of the 
journalists I have spoken to who have worked in Iraq say that the 
blandly optimistic pronouncements made by the Bush administration 
about the situation in Iraq are completely false. A picture of a dead 
child only represents a fragment of the truth about Iraq -- but it is 
one that we do not have the right to ignore. We believe we have an 
ethical responsibility to those who have been killed or wounded, 
whether Iraqis, Americans or those of other nationalities, not to 
simply pretend that their fate never happened. To face the bitter 
truth of war is painful. But it is better than hiding one's eyes. 

--------------------------------------------------------------------
Additional reporting by Kevin Berger, Page Rockwell and Aaron Kinney. 








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