The Case Against Emergency Food Aid

Jeffrey D. Sachs

Niger’s food emergency has reached the world’s headlines, but the crisis there 
is only one part of a much larger disaster. On an extended trip this summer 
through rural areas of Asia, the Middle East, and Africa on behalf of the 
United Nations, I visited countless villages afflicted with extreme hunger and 
struggling to survive against the odds. 

The villages that I visited – in Tajikistan, Yemen, Mali, Ethiopia, Rwanda, 
Malawi, Cambodia, and elsewhere – reflect the condition of hundreds of millions 
of impoverished people worldwide. Whether caused by drought, exhausted soils, 
locusts, lack of high-yield seeds, the results were the same: desperation, 
disease, and death.

Incredibly, the actions of the richest countries – which promised solidarity 
with the world’s poorest people at the G-8 Summit in July – have intensified 
the hunger crisis. Even today, donor governments’ aid efforts are poorly 
directed. They respond to hunger emergencies such as Niger’s with food relief, 
but fail to help with long-lasting solutions. 

The expanding hunger crisis reflects a lethal combination of growing rural 
populations and inadequate food yields. Rural populations are growing because 
poor farm households choose to have many children, who work as farmhands and 
serve as social security for their parents. This intensifies poverty in the 
next generation, as average farm sizes shrink. Food yields per acre (or 
hectare) are inadequate because impoverished farm households lack some or all 
of the four inputs needed for modern and productive agriculture: soil-nutrient 
replenishment (through organic and chemical fertilizers), irrigation or other 
water-management techniques, improved seed varieties, and sound agricultural 
advice.

The problem is especially severe in landlocked countries like Mali, Niger, 
Rwanda, and Malawi, where high transport costs leave villages isolated from 
markets, and in regions that depend on rainfall rather than river-based 
irrigation. Yields, on average, barely support survival, and crop failures are 
common and deadly, while long-term global climate change, caused mainly by high 
energy consumption in the rich countries, may be exacerbating the frequency and 
severity of droughts.

These impoverished villages need financial help to buy vital inputs for farming 
and to invest in basic infrastructure such as roads and electrification. 
Instead, donor governments and the World Bank have insisted for years that 
impoverished countries cut financing to these villages, under the guise of 
promoting “macroeconomic stability” – a polite way of demanding debt repayment 
– and reflecting the ideological delusion that the private sector will step in.

Instead, these policies have left hundreds of millions of people even more 
desperately poor and hungry, and even more vulnerable to drought, pests, and 
soil depletion. Millions die each year, either of outright starvation or from 
infectious diseases that their weakened bodies cannot withstand. And still, 
after twenty years of preaching that private markets would pick up the slack, 
these impoverished communities are further away than ever from using improved 
seeds, fertilizers, and small-scale water management technologies.   

The irony is that donors then respond with very expensive emergency food aid, 
which typically proves to be too little and too late. A shipment of an 
equivalent dollar amount of fertilizer and improved seeds from, say, the United 
States to Africa would yield perhaps five times more food. But donors have not 
yet implemented this obvious and basic lesson.

Malawi today is an urgent case in point. Because of rural impoverishment and a 
drought earlier this year, dire hunger afflicts millions of people. Donors are 
rallying for food aid, but they are resisting the obvious need to help the 
poorest million farmers (and their four million dependents) get soil nutrients 
and improved seeds in time for the planting season this autumn.

The cost of sending such help would be around $50 million, and the benefits 
would be $200 million to $300 million in increased food production next year 
(and hence less needed in emergency food aid). Moreover, Malawi has a proven 
track record of sharply higher food yields when impoverished farmers are helped 
with inputs. Yet donors continue shipping expensive food aid while ignoring 
Malawi’s desperate need to grow more food.

Over the longer term, increased food yields could be turned into sustained 
economic growth. First, rural households would be encouraged to have fewer 
children, and to invest more in each child’s health and education. Child 
survival rates would rise, reinforcing lower fertility rates. At the same time, 
increased educational opportunities for girls and women, and low-cost 
contraceptives provided by family-planning services, would empower them to 
marry later and have fewer children.

Second, and simultaneously, donors should help impoverished countries to invest 
in roads, ports, rural electricity, and diversified production (both 
agricultural and non-agricultural), in order to promote higher productivity and 
alternative livelihoods in the longer term. Villages currently trapped in 
hunger and subsistence agriculture would become commercial centers for food 
processing and exports, and even for rural industry and services supported by 
electrification, mobile phones, and other improved technologies.

This is a year of both widespread hunger and solemn promises by the rich 
countries. But emergency food aid is not enough. Impoverished communities in 
Africa, the Middle East, and Asia are ripe for a “green revolution,” based on 
modern scientific techniques for managing soils, water, and seed varieties. 
Donors should lend their support by backing long-term solutions aimed at 
increasing food production, slowing population growth, and mitigating long-term 
global climate change.

* Jeffrey Sachs is Professor of Economics and Director of the Earth Institute 
at Columbia University.

© Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2005. 
http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/sachs102 


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