As late as the 1980s, according to economist Elaina Rose, women with PhDs or
the equivalent were less likely to marry than women with a high school
degree. But the "marital penalty" for highly educated women has declined
steadily since then, and by 2000 it had disappeared. Today, women with a
college degree or higher are more likely to marry than women with less
education and lower earnings potential. Highly educated women are also now
as likely to have children as their less-educated counterparts -- and much
more likely to have children born in wedlock.

Salam,


http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/11/22/AR2006112201801.html

Having It AllSay goodbye to the "success penalty" -- professional women have
the best chance at marriage and children.

Reviewed by Stephanie Coontz
Sunday, November 26, 2006; Page BW08

*WHY SMART MEN MARRY SMART WOMEN*

*By Christine B. Whelan*

Save & Share Article What's
This?<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/community/saveandshare.html>Digg<http://digg.com/submit?phase=2&url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/11/22/AR2006112201801.html%3Freferrer=digg&title=Having%20It%20All&bodytext=WHY%20SMART%20MEN%20MARRY%20SMART%20WOMEN%20By%20Christine%20B.%20Whelan%20Simon%20&%20Schuster.%20239%20pp.%20$24%20SINGLE%20BY%20CHANCE,%20MOTHERS%20BY%20CHOICE%20How%20Women%20Are%20Choosing%20Parenthood%20Without%20Marriage%20and%20Creating%20the%20New%20American%20Family%20By%20Rosanna%20Hertz%20Oxford%20Univ.%20273%20pp.%20$26%20You%20can%27t%20have%20it%20all,%20women%20have%20long%20been%20told.%20The%20price%20of%20female%20achievement,%20goes%20the%20centuries-old%20conventional%20wisdom,%20is%20loneliness.%20And%20modern%20commentators%20have%20taken%20up%20the%20refrain.%20%27The%20more%20successful%20the%20woman,%20the%20less%20likely%20it%20is%20she%20will%20find%20a%20husband%20or%20bear%20a%20child,%27%20argued%20economist%20Sylvia%20Ann%20Hewlett%20in%202002.%20Last%20year,%20New%20York%20Times%20columnist%20Maureen%20Dowd%20claimed%20that%20America%20faces%20%27an%20epidemic%20of%20professional%20women%20missing%20out%20on%20husbands%20and%20kids%27%20because%20men%20remain%20unwilling%20to%20enter%20equal%20relationships%20with%20educated,%20high-powered%20women.%20And%20in%20the%20first%20two-thirds%20of%20the%2020th%20century,%20as%20women%20gained%20greater%20access%20to%20higher%20education%20and%20professional%20work,%20such%20was%20indeed%20the%20case.%20Women%20who%20earned%20bachelor%27s%20degrees%20and%20PhDs%20were%20more%20likely%20to%20miss%20out%20on%20their%20%27MRS%27%20degrees%20than%20their%20less-educated%20sisters.%20...>
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 *Simon & Schuster. 239 pp. $24*

S*INGLE BY CHANCE, MOTHERS BY CHOICE*

*H**ow Women Are Choosing Parenthood Without Marriage and Creating t**he New
American Family B**y Rosanna Hertz *

*O**xford Univ. 273 pp. $26*

*Y*ou can't have it all, women have long been told. The price of female
achievement, goes the centuries-old conventional wisdom, is loneliness. And
modern commentators have taken up the refrain. "The more successful the
woman, the less likely it is she will find a husband or bear a child,"
argued economist Sylvia Ann Hewlett in 2002. Last year, New York Times
columnist Maureen Dowd claimed that America faces "an epidemic of
professional women missing out on husbands and kids" because men remain
unwilling to enter equal relationships with educated, high-powered women.
And in the first two-thirds of the 20th century, as women gained greater
access to higher education and professional work, such was indeed the case.
Women who earned bachelor's degrees and PhDs were more likely to miss out on
their "MRS" degrees than their less-educated sisters.

But for women born since 1960, there has been a revolutionary reversal of
the historic pattern. As late as the 1980s, according to economist Elaina
Rose, women with PhDs or the equivalent were less likely to marry than women
with a high school degree. But the "marital penalty" for highly educated
women has declined steadily since then, and by 2000 it had disappeared.
Today, women with a college degree or higher are mo*re l*ikely to marry than
women with less education and lower earnings potential.

Highly educated women are also now as likely to have children as their
less-educated counterparts -- and much more likely to have children born in
wedlock. At the same time, economically successful women are the
fastest-growing segment of the minority of women who, if they do not marry,
choose to have children anyway. The titles of two new books sum up the
opportunities that women now have to mix and match their personal and
professional lives: Wh*y Smart Men Marry Smart Women,* by Christine B.
Whelan, and Si*ngle by Chance, Mothers by Choice,* by Rosanna Hertz.

Whelan's book is aimed at the demographic group she calls SWANS -- Strong
Women Achievers, No Spouse. Whelan commissioned a poll of 1,629
high-achieving men and women ages 25 to 40 and found that almost half the
women reported fearing that their success in the world of work was a
disadvantage in the world of love. Whelan reassures them that men
increasingly do want to marry equals, that most men are not intimidated by
educational and career success.

One poll, a series of interviews with a second sample of "high-achievers,"
and a handful of research studies are a rather flimsy peg on which to hang a
book. What could have been a focused, attention-getting article is muddled
by considerable padding. Whelan's book do*es* not answer the question posed
by her title -- why do smart men now marry smart women? -- nor does she
explore the declining marital prospects for poorly educated women and men.
Low-income, poorly educated men have the worst prospects of any group in
today's marriage market, suggesting that it is a mistake to frame the
revolution in marriage as a woman's issue. More men than women describe
being married as their ideal state, and men who remain single fare far worse
emotionally than do their female counterparts.

Still, this book contributes to the cultural conversation about marriage by
countering outdated stereotypes about male-female relations. Whelan's polls
confirm what authors Rosalind Barnett and Caryl Rivers showed in more
compelling detail in their 2004 book Sa*me Difference--* that in the middle
to upper levels of the education and income distribution, men and women are
moving closer together, not farther apart, in what they want from
relationships.

Whelan offers encouragement to everyone in her demographic. Career women who
postpone marriage, she explains, still have a good chance to marry in their
30s or 40s, and she cites a study by three sociologists who find that,
unlike in the past, wives' fulltime employment is now associated with a
lowered risk of divorce. For women who marry too late to have children, her
poll shows that many women believe they can have very satisfying lives
anyway. For women who don't marry but want a child, she points out that this
is now an option. Half her female respondents said that they'd consider
having a child alone if they couldn't find a suitable partner.

Si*ngle by Chance, Mothers by Choice d*eals with women who made that
decision. Based on in-depth interviews with 65 middle-class women, Hertz's
book traces how women decide first to have children outside marriage and
then whether to adopt, choose a known donor or become pregnant through an
anonymous sperm donor. She explores how these women answer their children's
questions about their biological fathers and how they integrate men into
their children's lives.

Most of the heterosexual women Hertz interviews are "reluctant
revolutionaries," women who would have preferred a male partner but who
reached a point where they were willing to go it alone rather than miss out
on motherhood. Her lesbian subjects, by contrast, consciously defied the
idea that motherhood depends upon a heterosexual relationship. Neither group
made these choices lightly. They enlisted the support of families and
friends before embarking on this journey, and they have all had to grapple
with their children's desire to picture their father and understand their
kin connections. Contrary to some stereotypes, these women try mightily to
include men in their children's lives. Hertz describes how they handle these
thorny issues and gets the women to speak candidly about their trials, joys
and dilemmas.

It's impossible to do justice here to the complexity of the portraits Hertz
paints in this well-crafted book, including the different ways that women
handle the often unexpected results of their decisions. Indeed, the details
and variations in her stories are more compelling than her theoretical
overview. Where Whelan fails to ground her data and advice in a coherent
analysis, Hertz tries too hard to fit her material into an overarching
feminist sociological framework. Concepts such as "compulsory motherhood"
fail to capture the complex decision-making process her informants describe.
Nor does the term patriarchy seem helpful in describing the messy mix of
expanded options and continuing constraints these women confront. Certainly,
male privilege still exists, but neither law nor popular opinion still
enforces male dominance in most daily interactions. The freedom of single,
economically secure women to raise children without the harsh economic
penalties and social stigma of the past is a far cry from the patriarchy of
yore.

I also question Hertz's claim that the "mother-child dyad" is the
revolutionary family form of the future. Interviewed four years later, her
subjects almost all reported that the two-person unit had been too intense.
Some had added more children; others had added a partner.

Female-centered families are here to stay, and it is important to accept
their legitimacy. But the same social changes that give women new options in
their personal and professional lives also open new opportunities for
paternal involvement in families, on far more egalitarian terms than in the
past. That development is just as welcome -- and surely just as
revolutionary -- as the new possibilities for lesbians and heterosexual
women to rear children successfully without the involvement of fathers.

S*te*phanie Coontz, the author of "Marriage, A History: How Love Conquered
Marriage," teaches at Evergreen State College in Olympia, Wash.


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