Apakah sikap (umat Islam) Indonesia demikian? Akan memberi kebebasan
beragama kepada orang Yahudi seandainya ada yang ingin mendirikan sinagog di
sini? Lha wong gereja yang sudah secara resmi diakui pemerintah saja sulit.
Tentang monopoli ekonomi. Bagaimana sikap umat Islam Indonesia dengan
keturunan Tiong Hoa yang pada umumnya menguasai ekonomi dengan berbagai cara
 Sebagian melakukan dengan cara yang baik sesuai aturan tetapi gigih
sehingga berhasil, sebagian memang dengan menyuap pejabat? Melarang?
Marilah kita konsisten dalam ucapan dan perbuatan. Supaya tidak munafik.
KM
 
-------Original Message-------
 
From: A Nizami
Date: 30-04-2007 8:22:19
To: ppiindia@yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: [ppiindia] Fw: [issuesonline] In Ahmadinejad's Iran, Jews still
find a space
 
Untuk beragama memang ada kebebasan.
Cuma jika kaum Yahudi berusaha memonopoli
ekonomi/kekuasaan dengan berbagai cara, itu cerita
lain.

--- Kartono Mohamad <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:

> 
> 
> -------Original Message---
> 
> 
> (Photograph)
> 
> A Synagogue amid mosques: A Jewish man at the
> Yousefabad Synagogue last
> month in Tehran, Iran. Some 25,000 to 30,000 Jews
> live relatively freely
> among the country's majority Shiite Muslims.
> 
> Scott Peterson/Getty Images
> 
> In Ahmadinejad's Iran, Jews still find a space
> 
> Some 25,000 Jews still live in Iran and many say
> that President Mahmoud
> Ahmadinejad's fiery anti-Israeli rhetoric is about
> politics, not religion. 
> 
> By Scott
>
<http://www.csmonitor.com/cgi-bin/encryptmail.pl?ID=B2B0B0B4B0B3B0B1B1B6B2B3
> B4B6&url=/2007/0427/p01s03-wome.html> Peterson |
> Staff writer of The
> Christian Science Monitor 
> 
> Reporters on the Job
> 
> We share the story behind the story
>
<http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/0427/p06s02-wogn.html>
> . 
> 
> TEHRAN, Iran - Enmity runs deep between arch-foes
> Iran and Israel. And that
> confrontation complicates the lives of Iranian Jews,
> who make up the largest
> community of Jews in the Middle East outside the
> Jewish state. 
> 
> Iran's Jews are buffeted by inflammatory rhetoric
> from President Mahmoud
> Ahmadinejad about "wiping Israel off the map" and
> denying the Holocaust, and
> a politically charged environment that often equates
> all Jews with Israel
> and routinely witnesses the burning of the "enemy"
> flag. 
> 
> But despite what appears to be a dwindling minority
> under constant threat of
> persecution, Iranian Jews say they live in relative
> freedom in the Islamic
> Republic, remain loyal to the land of their birth,
> and are striving to
> separate politics from religion. 
> 
> They caution against comparing Iran's official and
> visceral opposition to
> the creation of Israel and Zionism with the regime's
> acceptance of Jews and
> Judaism itself. 
> 
> "If you think Judaism and Zionism are one, it is
> like thinking Islam and the
> Taliban are the same, and they are not," says Ciamak
> Moresadegh, chairman of
> the Tehran Jewish Committee. "We have common
> problems with Iranian Muslims.
> If a war were to start, we would also be a target.
> When a missile lands, it
> does not ask if you are a Muslim or a Jew. It
> lands." 
> 
> The continuous Jewish presence in Iran predates
> Islam by more than a
> millennium. One wave came when Jews sought to escape
> Assyrian king
> Nebuchadnezzar II around 680 BC; others were freed
> from slavery by Cyrus the
> Great with the conquest of Babylon some 140 years
> later. 
> 
> Anti-Semitism historically 'rare'
> 
> Historically, say Jewish leaders, anti-Semitism here
> is rare, a fact they
> say is often lost on critics outside, especially in
> Israel, where many
> Iranian Jews have relatives. Still, the Jewish
> community has thinned by more
> than two-thirds since Iran's 1979 Islamic
> revolution, to some 25,000; the
> largest exodus took place soon after the Islamic
> Republic was formed, though
> a modest flow out continues. 
> 
> "Our problem is that the Israel issue is not solved,
> and that affects us
> here," says one Iranian Jew who asked not to be
> named.
> 
> But that does not affect every Iranian Jew. Surgeon
> Homayoun Mohaber
> measures his nationalism in blood, and bits of metal
> – the kind of support
> that Iranian Jews say has defined their small
> community's ties to Iran. 
> 
> During the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s, as an Iranian
> military surgeon, Dr.
> Mohaber conducted more than 900 frontline
> operations, was himself wounded,
> and gave blood twice to save fellow Iranian
> soldiers. 
> 
> Today, in his Tehran clinic, he keeps a jar full of
> bullets and shrapnel
> fragments, extracted during the war from wounded
> soldiers. 
> 
> "The relations between Jews and Muslims, between 70
> million Muslims and
> 30,000 Jews, are very good," says Mohaber. "In
> Israel, the situation for
> Iranian Jews is quite misunderstood." 
> 
> "[The Islamic regime] made very good respect for me
> all the time, and did
> not care about my religion after the revolution,"
> says Mohaber, who avoided
> a general purge of Jews from the officer ranks after
> Iran's 1979 Islamic
> revolution. 
> 
> But some episodes have shaken those who remain. In
> 1999, charges of spying
> for Israel were brought against 13 Jews in Shiraz
> and Isfahan, sparking a
> new exodus and widespread fear. 
> 
> Amid a welter of international criticism, 10 of
> those charged were handed
> sentences – later shortened – that ranged from four
> to 13 years in prison. 
> 
> Jews in Tehran at the time told the Monitor of their
> fears that "Zionist
> groups connected with the US" were hurting their
> cause by using the issue
> against Iran. Today, all 13 are free, and remain
> living in Iran. 
> 
> "The effect [of the Shiraz cases] was very bad,"
> recalls Mohaber. "But they
> have rectified it. I think it was a political case
> between Iran and Israel."
> 
> Fine line between faith and politics
> 
> The saga underscored the delicate line Iranian Jews
> draw daily between their
> religion and politics. Outside Iran, "they think our
> condition is very bad,
> living as a minority in a religious country, with
> law based on Islamic law,"
> says Mr. Moresadegh, of the Jewish Committee. 
> 
> He notes "some difficulties," including restrictions
> on government
> employment, but says that Mr. Ahmadinejad's
> questioning of the Holocaust,
> while very unwelcome, "has no effect on our daily
> life." The president's
> fierce anti-Zionist speeches culminated with Iran
> hosting a controversial
> Holocaust conference last December. 
> 
> "It is quite clear that a bunch of Zionist racists
> are the problem the
> modern world is facing today," the president said in
> his Iranian New Year
> message on March 21. They aim "to keep the world in
> a state of hardship,
> poverty, and grudge and strengthen their rule. The
> great nation of Iran is
> opposed to this inhuman trend." 
> 
> The Iranian Foreign Ministry recently facilitated a
> day-long visit to
> significant Jewish sites in Tehran for the
> diplomatic corps. Privately,
> Iranian officials said the event was designed to
> reassure Iranian Jews,
> after unease over the December conference. 
> 
> Jewish leaders portrayed themselves as ordinary
> Iranians, facing the same
> problems and with the same aspirations for their
> nation. 
> 
> "The Jewish community was probably one of the first
> [minority groups] to
> join in with the revolution, and in this way gave
> many martyrs," Maurice
> Motamed, holder of the one seat set aside for Jews
> in Iran's 290-seat
> parliament, told the diplomats. "And after that,
> during the eight years of
> the imposed [Iran-Iraq] war, there were many martyrs
> and disabled given to
> Iranian society." 
> 
> "Every revolution is followed by some issues,
> problems, and restrictions [on
> minorities]," said Mr. Motamed. "Fortunately, all
> these effects have been
> completely removed in the last ten years." 
> 
> The diplomatic tour – with a number of Foreign
> Affairs Ministry officials –
> visited a Jewish school, a home for the elderly, a
> community center, and one
> of 100 synagogues left from Iran, during Friday
> Sabbath prayers. 
> 
> "We have obviously had migration out of Iran," says
> Afshin Seleh, a teacher
> of Jewish heritage with a white yarmulke skullcap,
> who says he loses two to
> three students per year in classes of up to 30. Upon
> the walls of the Jewish
> school are portraits of revolution leader Ayatollah
> Ruhollah Khomeini, and
> Iran's current supreme religious leader. 
> 
> "There have been different voices [coming] from the
> government, so people
> felt unsafe," says Mr. Seleh. "But our existence
> here has always been
> separate from politics in Iran, and we always had
> peaceful coexistence with
> the Muslim community." 
> 
> Part of that coexistence has been gratitude for the
> Dr. Sapir Hospital, a
> Jewish charity hospital that would have closed years
> ago, but for subsidies
> from Jews inside and outside Iran, doctors say. 
> 
> During the 1979 revolution, the hospital refused to
> hand over those wounded
> in clashes with the security forces of the pro-West
> Shah Reza Pahlavi.
> Ayatollah Khomeini later sent a personal
> representative to express his
> thanks. Ahmadinejad, too, has made a $27,000
> donation. 
> 
> Still, the Iran-Israel standoff has spilled over
> into many avenues of life
> here, with varied results for Iranian Jews.
> 
> Strong anti-Zionist undercurrents developed in Iran
> – and across the Middle
> East – since Israel's creation in 1948. Those views
> came to a boil in Tehran
> after the 1967 war, when Israel crushed Arab foes
> and occupied the West
> Bank, Gaza, and Sinai. That war marked a turning
> point in Iranians'
> attitudes toward the Jewish state, and sometimes
> toward Iranian Jews. 
> 
> During the Asian Cup final in 1968 (which Iran won,
> 2-1) Iranian fans wore
> eye patches and chanted abusive slogans, to mock the
> Israeli defense chief
> Moshe Dayan. According to published reminiscences,
> "some homes of Jews in
> Tehran were attacked and set on fire." 
> 
> In a match-up between Iran and Israel in the final
> of the 1974 Asian Games
> in Tehran, protesters against Israel, members of
> then-shadowy Islamic
> groups, prepared to attack the Israeli soccer team. 
> 
> "Our aim and dream," recalls Ezat Shahi, identified
> as a "revolutionary
> fighter" in recently published memoirs, "was to
> create an event similar to
> the 1972 Munich Olympics, when the Israeli team was
> taken hostage by
> Palestinian gunmen from "Black September," in a
> standoff that left 11
> Israeli athletes dead. 
> 
> Security measures forced protesters to scale back
> those plans, but rioting
> broke out that night.
> 
> "On that night, [the authorities] couldn’t prevent
> people from doing what
> they wanted," says a witness who asked not to be
> named. "As soon as Israel
> expanded its power [in the 1967 war] and oppressed
> the Palestinians, even
> the liberal part of Iranian society started to call
> them Zionists." Those
> flames, encouraged by Islamist groups that would
> play a key role in the 1979
> revolution, helped define the Islamic Republic's
> opposition to Israel – but
> not necessarily to Iranian Jews. 
> 
> "There is always [talk] outside the country that
> religious minorities are
> under pressure," says Mr. Motamed. "It is important
> to say that what people
> say about minorities is completely wrong," 
> 
> "Jews here have great Iranian roots – they love
> Iran," says chairman
> Moresadegh. "Personally, I would stay in Iran no
> matter what. I speak in
> English, I pray in Hebrew, but my thinking is
> Persian." 
> 
> For one Iranian Olympian, national pride trumped
> medal dreams
> 
> TEHRAN, Iran – Pausing during a workout, Iran's judo
> ace Arash Miresmaeli
> speaks of past broken dreams, and his future ones. 
> 
> "All the hopes and wishes of an athlete are for an
> Olympic medal," says the
> lithe double world champion. "Every athlete would
> withstand the hardest
> practice, to the point of death, for Olympic gold." 
> 
> Mr. Miresmaeli paid one price, training hard enough
> to put himself in medal
> contention at the 2004 Olympic Games in Athens. But
> one round required
> competing against an athlete from Israel – a sworn
> enemy of Iran. 
> 
> So the Iranian felt he had no choice but to pay
> another heartbreaking and
> controversial price: He pulled out of the games, and
> reset his medal dreams
> to Beijing in 2008. 
> 
> That decision cast a stark light on the standoff
> between Iran and Israel,
> and how it can color every aspect of potential
> contact. Even as it was
> officially lauded in Iran, the decision was decried
> in Israel and the West
> as an unsavory mixing of politics and sport. 
> 
> "When I am sent to another country [to compete], I
> am a symbol of my people
> and my nation," says Miresmaeli, his cauliflower
> ears testament to years in
> the sport. "When this decision is made, it should be
> for a nation, not a
> person ... for the principles of my country." 
> 
> "Muslims of the world are all brothers. When one
> brother is oppressed, all
> Muslims unite to support that person," says
> Miresmaeli. "This was a good
> move to show the world there is an oppressed people
> in Palestine being
> killed, innocently." 
> 
> The judo champion returned home a hero, feted by the
> regime as if he had won
> gold. Today, a banner over the mats of the national
> judo team heralds
> Miresmaeli as an "envoy of the revolution," and
> shows him receiving an
> embrace from Iran's supreme religious leader,
> Ayatollah Sayed Ali Khamenei. 
> 
> It reads: "This kiss and hundreds of others we offer
> to you."
> 
>
http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/0427/p01s03-wome.html?s=hns
> 
> Sw
> 
> [Non-text portions of this message have been
> removed]
> 
> 
> 
> 
> 
> [Non-text portions of this message have been
> removed]
> 
> 

===
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