Why Indonesia is afraid of condemning dictatorships

Aboeprijadi Santoso, Amsterdam


Under a flourishing democracy, a bill was recently passed condemning
a dictatorship that persecuted and executed thousands -- not in post-
Soeharto Indonesia, but in post-Franco Spain.

What can we learn from democratic Spain's experience pursuing
reconciliation?

The Spanish state has for the first time condemned Gen. Francisco
Franco's coup, and his 39-year dictatorship, and denounced the
regime's crimes against its opponents. The bill has yet to pass the
senate but is already regarded as a milestone in efforts to resolve
issues which have divided the nation for too long.

On July 17, 1936, rebel generals, among them Franco, seized power
from the democratically elected, left-leaning government. A fierce
and profound war (1936-39) followed, involving key state figures and
social classes -- church against the state, land owners against
landless, and fascism against elected socialists, communists and
anarchists.

Since Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy backed Franco, and the
Soviet Union helped arm the Republicans, the Spanish civil war became
a precursor to WWII. Some 500.000 were killed or executed. Postwar
Europe and the U.S. "tolerated" Franco's regime. Democratic changes
only came after Franco's death in 1975, but past abuses were swept
under the carpet -- until last month.

In 2004 the state initiated a symbolic reconciliation, by inviting
two icons of the civil war; Angel Salamanca, a former Franco
supporter, and Luis Royo, an anti-fascist fighter, to attend the
national parade. The political parties, however, boycotted the
festivity. Franco's victims felt "dishonored" by the state invitation
and the conservatives feared "disgrace".

Neither a reconciliation with (former) fascists nor accommodating
their legacy seemed acceptable. Prime Minister Josi Luis Rodriguez
Zapatero's socialist supporters brushed aside opposition complaints
the bill would "reopen old wounds".

Spain suffered from her unique experience as a nation whose deep-
seated schism -- and civil war -- were directly linked to WWII and
enforced thereafter. Elsewhere in Europe fascist regimes were
defeated, hence, reconciliation was never contemplated; today war
victories are celebrated and psychologists are available for
traumatized war victims, but Europe, in a sense, is still fighting
WWII: Fascism survived in Spain and Franco's legacy remains so strong
that this "war" must now end to maintain unity and resolve a burdened
past.

Reconciliation should be possible, that is, without opening the
Pandora's box of public hysteria. Uncovered mass graves of Franco's
victims have, since 2000, been used to attack the conservatives who
suggest Franco's dictatorship was "moderate" and basically propose to
forget the past. They were undermined while supporting the bill on
Francoism, with what has been termed "the Law of the Historical
Memory" (LHM).

The so-called "1975 unwritten promise" that reportedly brokered
Spain's democracy said if pro-Franco forces relinquished power after
Franco's death, no one would be tried or pursued for past abuses. In
1977, an amnesty law assured no one would be held to account, but
justice remains elusive without any prosecution for the "extra-legal"
killings. In short, the message was, "let's forgive, not forget".

Under LHM state funds are used to unearth mass graves and pay
compensation to victims' relatives. The law also orders the removal
of all Franco-era symbols from public places and declares the
military trials that led to the execution and imprisonment of
thousands of Franco's enemies to be illegitimate. The law's objective
is, however, no longer to reconcile former foes, but "to recognize
and widen the rights of those who suffered" in the Civil War and
Franco dictatorship.

"This law is the beginning not the end. Many victims died without
justice," the pro-victim campaign leader, Emilio Silva, said
bitterly.

If Spain cannot achieve justice for Franco's victims, Indonesia's
post-Soeharto experience will, no doubt, be worse and more complex.
>From the point of view of victims, none of the cases of killings and
abuse -- the greatest being the mass killings of 1965-66 -- have been
resolved or brought to trial satisfactorily.

Unlike Franco, Soeharto is still alive, wealthy and even influential.
One writer, the late Sobron Aidit, called him, "the luckiest ex-
dictator". Of his successors, only President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur"
Wahid ever expressed an apology -- a mea culpa (forgive me) to the
victims of 1965-66 and Indonesia's East Timor adventure.

Leading generals have from the outset (1998) stated their readiness
for military reforms, but opposed prosecution for atrocities during
military operations in East Timor and Aceh (an equivalent to Spain's
post-Franco "1975 promise").

A compromise, in terms of a religious concept, islah, has been
imposed for some cases (Tanjung Priok in 1984, Talangsari in 1989)
while other cases (missing activists, May 1998, Trisakti, Semanggi I
& II) were denied a human rights tribunal.

The long overdue Truth and Reconciliation Commission has been revoked
by the Supreme Court and left in limbo. In the case of East Timor,
using the Joint-Commission for Truth and Friendship, Jakarta has
opted to completely "forgive and forget", to bury the past once and
for all. In almost all cases impunity, thus, reigns.

Real reconciliation relies on deft political artistry. As Spain's and
Indonesia's experiences demonstrate, the politics of transitional
justice needs society's own initiative.

While the synergy of a grave-digging movement and state-level
politics have been fruitful in Spain, similar moves in Java (early
2000s) failed, and a serial of dialogs with and among victims in
Yogyakarta (2005) was encouraging, but both lacked a political
component.

Indonesian scholar Priyambudi Sulistyanto argued such a dynamic from
the bottom is important, even crucial in resolving past traumas and
achieving reconciliation. A statesman's political will and grassroots
support both are needed to make changes nationwide, he said.


The writer is a journalist, formerly with Radio Netherlands.






Kirim email ke