http://www.arabnews.com/?page=7&section=0&article=121171&d=4&m=4&y=2009&pix=opinion.jpg&category=Opinion

            Saturday 4 April 2009 (08 Rabi` al-Thani 1430) 
     

      Who will benefit if Afghan war finally ends?
      Myra MacDonald | Reuters 
        
      Behind the talk of how to win the war in Afghanistan is a question which 
will affect the global economy for years to come: Who will win the peace? 
Though it may seem premature given a growing insurgency in Afghanistan which is 
also spreading deep into Pakistan, each country's calculations about who will 
come out on top will affect their response to the US strategy in Central Asia.

      Analysts say China could benefit most from any settlement in Afghanistan 
which opened up trade routes and improved its access to oil, gas and mineral 
resources in Central Asia and beyond. Other countries all have a much harder 
hand to play.

      Russia and Iran would dearly like to see an end to the US military 
presence in their backyard. But they would also lose leverage over energy 
supplies if peace brought a diversification of pipelines and land routes 
through Afghanistan. And India and Pakistan will struggle to address the tough 
compromises needed to soften a 60-year-old rivalry that has spilled over into a 
competition for influence in Afghanistan.

      "China is keeping its head under the parapet," said retired Indian 
diplomat M.K. Bhadrakumar. But he added, "China is probably in my estimation 
the No. 1 gainer." While other countries have fretted about geopolitical 
rivalries, China has focused on its economic interests.

      Its largest copper producer, Jiangxi Copper, is developing the vast Aynak 
copper mine south of Kabul, while it is also building Gwadar port on Pakistan's 
Arabian Sea coast to give it access to the Gulf. China's Deputy Foreign 
Minister Wu Dawei said this week that Beijing would continue to encourage 
Chinese enterprises to take part in Afghan reconstruction, according to Xinhua 
news agency. Politically, China is keeping a low profile, although Wu said it 
favored a strong role for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a grouping of 
Central Asian states dominated by Beijing and Moscow used to counterbalance 
Western influence.

      But unlike the other regional players, and indeed the United States - 
which have to find their way through a minefield of competing interests - 
China's course is simpler.

      Barring a huge upsurge in militancy that spilled into its Muslim Xinjiang 
region, an escalation big enough to destroy the US economy and China's dollar 
holdings, or an invasion of its ally Pakistan, it can keep its head down.

      Washington, by contrast, faces much tougher choices. It has never been 
able to shake off suspicion in the region that its interest in Central Asia is 
as much in the pursuit of oil and gas resources as in targeting Al-Qaeda. 

      If it is to win support from Russia, Iran and China for a new strategy 
outlined by President Barack Obama, it has to show it has an exit plan that 
will eventually remove US troops. In doing so, it may not lose the war, but nor 
will it win the peace.

      Russia could emerge a winner if it can exploit the US need for 
alternative supply routes to Pakistan into Afghanistan in exchange for an end 
to NATO expansion in Central Asia. 

      It already scored a minor victory by prodding Kyrgyzstan to close Manas 
air base - the only US air base in Central Asia - while offering to open up its 
own territory for ground supplies into Afghanistan, thereby increasing its 
leverage.

      But Russia faces bigger risks than China from either war or peace. A US 
defeat that revitalized the Islamists would spread instability into Central 
Asia and its own Muslim regions. And peace would give the former Soviet Central 
Asian states new land routes and potential pipelines through Afghanistan
     


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