Kenapa Indonesia belum memberi ucapan selamat kepada Ahmadinejad, yang 
terpilih lagi dalam pemilihan Presiden Iran?
 
Kabarnya Jusuf Kalla sudah memberi ucapan selamat, tetapi dalam kapasitas 
pribadi. Karena, untuk mewakili Indonesia, harus SBY selaku Presiden RI. 
 
Kalah cepat lagi nih!
 
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The Iranian People Speak

By Ken Ballen and Patrick Doherty
Monday, June 15, 2009 

The election results in Iran may reflect the will of the Iranian people. Many 
experts are claiming that the margin of victory of incumbent President Mahmoud 
Ahmadinejad was the result of fraud or manipulation, but our nationwide public 
opinion survey of Iranians three weeks before the vote showed Ahmadinejad 
leading by a more than 2 to 1 margin -- greater than his actual apparent margin 
of victory in Friday's election. 
While Western news reports from Tehran in the days leading up to the voting 
portrayed an Iranian public enthusiastic about Ahmadinejad' s principal 
opponent, Mir Hossein Mousavi, our scientific sampling from across all 30 of 
Iran's provinces showed Ahmadinejad well ahead. 
Independent and uncensored nationwide surveys of Iran are rare. Typically, 
preelection polls there are either conducted or monitored by the government and 
are notoriously untrustworthy. By contrast, the poll undertaken by our 
nonprofit organizations from May 11 to May 20 was the third in a series over 
the past two years. Conducted by telephone from a neighboring country, field 
work was carried out in Farsi by a polling company whose work in the region for 
ABC News and the BBC has received an Emmy award. Our polling was funded by the 
Rockefeller Brothers Fund. 
The breadth of Ahmadinejad' s support was apparent in our preelection survey. 
During the campaign, for instance, Mousavi emphasized his identity as an Azeri, 
the second-largest ethnic group in Iran after Persians, to woo Azeri voters. 
Our survey indicated, though, that Azeris favored Ahmadinejad by 2 to 1 over 
Mousavi. 
Much commentary has portrayed Iranian youth and the Internet as harbingers of 
change in this election. But our poll found that only a third of Iranians even 
have access to the Internet, while 18-to-24-year- olds comprised the strongest 
voting bloc for Ahmadinejad of all age groups. 
The only demographic groups in which our survey found Mousavi leading or 
competitive with Ahmadinejad were university students and graduates, and the 
highest-income Iranians. When our poll was taken, almost a third of Iranians 
were also still undecided. Yet the baseline distributions we found then mirror 
the results reported by the Iranian authorities, indicating the possibility 
that the vote is not the product of widespread fraud. 
Some might argue that the professed support for Ahmadinejad we found simply 
reflected fearful respondents' reluctance to provide honest answers to 
pollsters. Yet the integrity of our results is confirmed by the politically 
risky responses Iranians were willing to give to a host of questions. For 
instance, nearly four in five Iranians -- including most Ahmadinejad supporters 
-- said they wanted to change the political system to give them the right to 
elect Iran's supreme leader, who is not currently subject to popular vote. 
Similarly, Iranians chose free elections and a free press as their most 
important priorities for their government, virtually tied with improving the 
national economy. These were hardly "politically correct" responses to voice 
publicly in a largely authoritarian society. 
Indeed, and consistently among all three of our surveys over the past two 
years, more than 70 percent of Iranians also expressed support for providing 
full access to weapons inspectors and a guarantee that Iran will not develop or 
possess nuclear weapons, in return for outside aid and investment. And 77 
percent of Iranians favored normal relations and trade with the United States, 
another result consistent with our previous findings. 
Iranians view their support for a more democratic system, with normal relations 
with the United States, as consonant with their support for Ahmadinejad. They 
do not want him to continue his hard-line policies. Rather, Iranians apparently 
see Ahmadinejad as their toughest negotiator, the person best positioned to 
bring home a favorable deal -- rather like a Persian Nixon going to China. 
Allegations of fraud and electoral manipulation will serve to further isolate 
Iran and are likely to increase its belligerence and intransigence against the 
outside world. Before other countries, including the United States, jump to the 
conclusion that the Iranian presidential elections were fraudulent, with the 
grave consequences such charges could bring, they should consider all 
independent information. The fact may simply be that the reelection of 
President Ahmadinejad is what the Iranian people wanted. 


 
















      

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