http://www.smh.com.au/news/opinion/no-need-for-cloaking-effect-with-indonesian-ties/2006/11/16/1163266709779.html


No need for cloaking effect with Indonesian ties
Duncan Campbell 
November 17, 2006


INDONESIA is of vital strategic importance to Australia. That much is generally 
agreed. How we should deal with that reality is not. In making another security 
arrangement - a second attempt - with Indonesia, the Howard Government has 
erred. Indonesia scrapped the first security arrangement when we stepped into 
the East Timor crisis.

That first arrangement became the monument to Paul Keating's boast that his was 
an irreplaceable relationship with a previous Indonesian president, Soeharto. 
Subsequently, we have co-operated to counter terrorism and to augment our 
mutual capabilities to do so, to combat drug and people trafficking, and to 
respect our sovereign rights.

What, then, will we gain in the new agreement, and what is in it for Indonesia? 
The new text contains no less than four references to territorial integrity and 
separatism, which are preoccupations uniquely of Indonesia. There is no 
reference to human rights.

But there is a gratuitous reference to non-interference in the internal affairs 
of the other. If we had to resort to it again, as we did in East Timor, this 
second agreement would already have gone out the window like its predecessor. 
Yes, there's a lot on counter-terrorism, but then again existing levels of 
co-operation are high and productive, without the addition of the agreement.

The UN Security Council does not score a mention but then the Indonesians are 
understandably concerned with the possibility of insurrection and insecurity 
particularly in and around Ambon and West Papua.

On the other hand, if one were asked to identify where, in the arc of 
instability to our north, our interests might in the foreseeable future be most 
painfully engaged, it probably would be in Indonesian West Papua. What, then, 
are we signing up for? Some species of underlying non-aggression pact, a part 
of which now clearly involves our immutable commitment to Indonesian domination 
of the Papuans, no matter what?

The new agreement will likely introduce more tension and resentment into our 
bilateral relationship with Indonesia than provide relief at what is bound to 
become a pressure point.

Do John Howard and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono have to share a security 
blanket just because Keating and Soeharto did?

Until the demise of Soeharto and the electoral defeat of Keating, we sought to 
over-attain in and with Indonesia, looking always to achieve more than we 
should ever have aimed for or attempted. It has been an infantile failing and 
remains to be remedied. The late treaty between Keating and Soeharto was part 
of it.

Our relations with Indonesia need to be measured not by some notion of their 
magnitude but by how effectively we join bilaterally in anticipating friction 
of a serious nature. The ingredient essential to success will be early 
detection of problems and preparedness to take them on, even when that means 
accepting, as it will, some immediate aggravation to prevent the aggregation of 
damage to a point where relations are seriously, perhaps even permanently, 
harmed.

Our overall relations with Indonesia are so much more important than the Papuan 
part of them, which is not the same thing as saying the fate of the Papuans is 
not our concern. We must not let West Papua be handled as we handled East Timor.

If we try to evade this issue, if we legislate it off the bilateral agenda as 
the new security agreement will do, we will end up backing ourselves into a 
corner. The last thing we should be doing is making West Papua a no-go zone in 
our relations with Indonesia and in our bilateral discussion of local sources 
of instability.

The Howard Government began its dealings with Indonesia with an air of studied 
indifference designed to show a clear differentiation with the regional 
diplomacy of the Keating government. By the time of the Boxing Day tsunami in 
2004, the Prime Minister was looking more infatuated than indifferent.

In the meantime, he had finally bitten on the bullet in East Timor. Our 
exposure to Indonesian-grown terrorism was yet to be fully manifested, and the 
potential divisiveness of our differing legal systems yet to be felt 
politically in the two countries.

Measured over the 10 years of the Howard Government, a combination of 
miscalculation and mischance has produced an unsettling oscillation in our 
relations with Indonesia. The tendency has grown to handle problems through 
prime minister-to-president contact. But with summitry there must be heavy 
publicity, politically stage-managed for two sets of domestic consumption and 
if things go wrong, it is difficult to remit the mess to another level.

Howard has been lured, like Keating, into mistaken reliance on personal contact 
with a president. Now he has also duplicated the pursuit of a security pact, 
which is more likely to become hostage to difficulties in our dealings with 
Indonesia than to help in handling them.

The essential ingredient to successful Australian-Indonesian relations is to 
succeed in exposing the development of Indonesian West Papua to improved 
international scrutiny, and we are turning away from that prospect.

Duncan Campbell is a former deputy secretary of the Department of Foreign 
Affairs and Trade.


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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