http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_1856987,00120002.htm

Saturday, December 2, 2006|03:01 IST 
  
Pakistan atomised

PN Khera

November 30, 2006

Last week was the 10th death anniversary of Pakistan's greatest 
scientist, Abdus Salam, who received the Nobel Prize in 1979. Yet, 
there were no observances in his homeland, at least not official 
ones. That is because Pakistan no longer recognises him as a Muslim. 
Its hero, instead, is a man who has done more to endanger mankind 
through his actions than anyone else, AQ Khan.

Salam's Ahmadiyya community was declared `non-Muslim' through a 
constitutional amendment passed in 1974. This fact is recorded in 
their passport documents so that they cannot travel to Mecca and 
Medina as pilgrims. Despite such persecution, Salam refused to 
surrender his Pakistani nationality.

Salam was a member of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission, a 
member of the Scientific Commission of Pakistan and Chief Scientific 
Advisor to the President from 1961 to 1974, the year he was declared 
non-Muslim. Pakistan's space research agency, Suparco, was also 
created by him.

But when he died, he had to be buried in a private graveyard in 
Rabwa, the home town of his Ahmadiyya community, whose name has been 
changed to Chenab Nagar by a State proclamation to rid it of its 
Ahmadi associations.

Moreover, after his burial, the orthodox Sunni clergy went to his 
grave to ensure that the kalima prayer had not been recited and that 
no symbols of Islam were displayed on his tomb. Indeed, the local 
magistrate insisted that the wording on his tombstone, `Abdus Salam 
the First Muslim Nobel Laureate', be changed to `Abdus Salam the 
First Nobel Laureate'.

The tragedy of Salam reveals as nothing else does the furies that 
are riding on the back of Pakistan. The persecution of the Ahmadiyya 
community obviously has wide sanction, initiated as it was by 
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a civilian President, and intensified in the 
regime of his successor and persecutor, General Zia-ul Haq. The 
persecution of the community actually intensified at the time that 
Salam was awarded the Nobel.

When the faculty of Quaid-e-Azam University in Islamabad wanted to 
invite him for a lecture, the student body opposed it tooth and 
nail, and he was not permitted to enter the university. On the other 
hand, Salam received a hero's welcome in India when he visited his 
former maths teacher. He won many hearts in India when he placed his 
medal around his aged teacher's neck.

Though Punjab had never been an enthusiastic supporter of the 
creation of Pakistan, the highly-educated Ahmadiyya community played 
an important role in stabilising the State during its early years. 
Muhammad Zafrullah Khan, the man who so brilliantly argued 
Pakistan's case in the United Nations from 1947 to 1955, was an 
Ahmadiyya. He was appointed by Jinnah as Pakistan's first foreign 
minister in December 1947 and served till 1954.

Another Ahmadiyya was Lt Gen Akhtar Hussain Malik, who had planned 
Operation Gibraltar and Grand Slam, which began the 1965 war with 
India. Both are now non-personas in Pakistan.

The Ahmadiyyas in Pakistan are still under constant siege, with 
fundamentalist groups going out of their way to persecute them using 
the dreaded weapon of apostasy. But the fate of the Ahmadiyyas is 
now also being visited on Shias in Pakistan.

Because of their sheer number — some say 20 per cent of the 
country's population — and the presence of neighbouring Iran, 
Pakistan has not officially declared the Shias apostate. However, 
some clerics like Mufti Wali Hasan of Jamia Al Alomia Al Islamia, 
Karachi, have not hesitated to issue fatwas declaring them 
as `kafirs' or unbelievers.

For the last three decades, the Shias have been at the receiving end 
of a great deal of violence in Pakistan, mainly in the Punjab 
province and the commercial capital, Karachi. In the late Eighties, 
a virtual civil war was created in the northern areas of J&K, when 
tribals from the North West Frontier Province attacked the region.

This violence has continued over the years and the Pakistani 
authorities have undertaken a programme of pushing in Sunni migrants 
to alter the sectarian balance. As recently as in 2004, several Shia 
workers of Suparco were killed by sectarian Sunni terrorists. These 
have led to a steady migration of Shia professionals — doctors, 
engineers and so on — from Pakistan.

With such demons around, Pakistan does not really need external 
enemies. Its task is obvious: to get the extremist djinn back into 
the bottle. To do that, it needs to make certain choices. And there 
are no prizes for guessing what they are.

PN Khera is Editor, Asia Defence News International




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