http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/LK04Ae01.html

 Nov 4, 2010 

ASEAN sups with Chinese 'devil' 
By Simon Roughneen 


HANOI - China's rise has altered the dynamics within the 10-member Association 
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and across Asia, as was on display at 
recently concluded summits in Hanoi. 

Chinese naval expansion and increasingly assertive claims to disputed maritime 
areas in the East and South China Seas has prompted Japan, South Korea, Vietnam 
and others to reaffirm their enthusiasm for America's security umbrella, after 
some ambivalence in recent years. 

Japan and India, China's main Asian rivals, are increasingly looking to each 
other, and to Southeast Asia, as a hedge against China's rise, which has taken 
a hard turn in recent months. Prime Minister Naoto Kan and his Indian 
counterpart Manmohan Singh met after the Hanoi summits, which were overshadowed 
by the mudslinging between the Chinese and Japanese delegations. 

"Prime Minister Kan was keen to understand how India engages China," Indian 
Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao said after that meeting. As well as increasing 
ties with Japan, India's slow-to-action "Look East" policy, which has brought 
the self-proclaimed world's largest democracy into disrepute over its feting of 
the Myanmar junta, is likely to be enhanced in coming years, as highlighted in 
a statement issued after the India-ASEAN summit. 

In recent months, China has alarmed countries in Southeast and East Asia with 
some remarkably strident Freudian slips, which wary neighbors have interpreted 
as the hegemonic aspirations behind Beijing's "peaceful rise" rhetoric. Some 
influential commentators, including American Walter Russell Mead, have made the 
historical analogy with post-Bismarck Germany, which famously, and 
disastrously, abandoned the Iron Chancellor's relatively cautious diplomacy for 
a more strident and clumsy approach under Kaiser Wilhelm II. 

In July, China's Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi reminded Southeast Asian 
countries that China is a big country. This not-so-subtle language amplified 
alarm bells set off when US officials leaked Chinese statements that the South 
China Sea is viewed by Beijing as a "core interest", a term usually used to 
describe its claims over Taiwan and Tibet. ASEAN members Brunei, Malaysia, the 
Philippines and Vietnam, and non-ASEAN Taiwan, all have competing claims in the 
maritime area. 

According to the statement released after the ASEAN-China Summit last weekend, 
Beijing is committed to "the full and effective implementation of the DOC 
[Declaration on the Conduct of Parties, a stillborn deal between the 
stakeholders first mooted in 2002] in the South China Sea" and will work with 
ASEAN states "toward the eventual conclusion, on the basis of consultations and 
consensus, of a code of conduct". 

The next test of China's intentions will come in a meeting on the DOC scheduled 
for December, which will show whether or not it is committed to a multilateral 
solution to the South China Sea impasse. To date, Beijing has insisted on 
dealing with the issue on a bilateral basis with individual ASEAN states. 

Key shipping lanes run through the South China Sea, the second-most used 
sea-lane in the world. These run close to the potentially oil-rich Spratly and 
Paracel Islands. The Spratlys are claimed by Vietnam, China, Malaysia, the 
Philippines, Brunei and Taiwan. The Paracels are claimed by Vietnam and China, 
with the latter dispute leading Beijing to threaten US oil companies seeking to 
find potential seabed resources near the islands. 

Vietnam and the Philippines ran a joint effort to establish a common ASEAN 
position on the South China Sea at the Hanoi summit, countering China's efforts 
to deal with rival claimants to the waterway on a unilateral basis. Hanoi, 
which refers to the South China Sea as the East Sea, announced last weekend 
that it will open its Cam Ranh base to foreign navies, giving them direct 
access to the South China Sea. 

Charmless offensive 
In recent years, Beijing has been lauded for a so-called "charm offensive" in 
Southeast Asia, and elsewhere, winning friends through investment, loans and 
grants, while offering development aid minus the governance and human-rights 
strings that Western donors usually attach. With the US focusing on democracy 
promotion and resource-sapping wars in the Middle East, even Asian allies such 
as the Philippines and Thailand appeared to drift. 

United States President Barack Obama's administration promised to rectify the 
perceived disengagement, even as the economic pendulum has swung more 
decisively in China's direction. ASEAN and China are almost one year into a new 
free trade agreement, which came into force on January 1. Trade and investment 
were another key focus for the China-ASEAN plank of the Hanoi meetings last 
weekend, with Beijing clearly keen to distract attention from its perceived 
diplomatic missteps of recent weeks. 

However, the political divides seem to be growing. Vietnam, which has modeled 
its governance system - mixing economic liberalism with a one-party state - on 
China's, was moved to express its hopes for a free and fair election in Myanmar 
on November 7. China, in contrast, has described the election as an internal 
matter for the military dictatorship, and is lobbying at the United Nations to 
prevent the creation of a commission of inquiry to look into alleged war crimes 
perpetuated by the ruling junta. 

Hanoi has skillfully used the China card to court Japanese, Russian and 
American investors, with Tokyo confirming that it will seek so-called "rare 
earth" minerals in Vietnam after China was accused of cutting exports of the 
materials to Japan in response to a war of words over the arrest of a Chinese 
sea captain near the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands. Intel, Boeing and 
Microsoft all announced new investments and partnerships in Vietnam over the 
past week. 

The clear endorsement of the Obama administration was visible in the presence 
of US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at the Boeing and Microsoft signings, 
after which she proposed US mediation in the China-Japan row, which is being 
closely watched in Southeast Asia. Spokespersons for both the Philippines and 
Indonesia told journalists in Hanoi that while ASEAN or its member states would 
not comment on bilateral issues between China and Japan, they expressed concern 
over the dispute. 

Obama will escape the domestic crucible next week to visit Japan, India, 
Indonesia and South Korea, which are all to a greater or lesser degree part of 
the embryonic coalition coming together to cope with China's rise. Whether 
China has now crossed a Wilhelmine Rubicon is still unclear, as Beijing retains 
important investment and economic aces to be played if it wants to redeem its 
"soft power" credentials. 

Chinese soldiers are currently in Thailand for joint military exercises and 
both countries recently agreed to collaborate on a rail network from China's 
southern Yunnan province, through Laos and Thailand, and further south to 
Malaysia. As the world leader in high-speed trains, Beijing can contribute 
directly to ASEAN's "connectivity" goals as it seeks to enhance its own trade 
infrastructure across the region. 

How this affects the re-emerging Southeast Asian perception that China is as 
much a security threat as economic ally remains to be seen. Just as Beijing 
might see anti-China moves in the recent spate of meetings between many of its 
neighbors, China's zeal to underwrite a region-wide transport and 
communications infrastructure upgrade might be taken as an attempt to give 
Beijing more leverage over - and easier access to - its smaller neighbors. 

Simon Roughneen is a foreign correspondent. His website is 
www.simonroughneen.com . 

(Copyright 2010 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please 
contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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