http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2011/1035/eg1901.htm
World of words
The international community scrambles to adjust to a new revolutionary reality
in Egypt. So what did world leaders have to say, ponders Gamal Nkrumah
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"Nothing is as powerful as an idea whose time has come" -- Victor Hugo
Click to view caption
Back-dropped by the National Gallery, a demonstrator displays an Egyptian
flag and a placard during a rally staged by human rights groups as part of a
global protest event in Trafalgar Square, London, and in Lima, Peru, a day
after ousting Mubarak
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As the dust settles, it is hard to gauge the robustness of statements made
around the world with regards to Egypt's 25 January Revolution. The
unexpectedly strong picture of the country has taken the world by storm. From
Caracas to Canberra the consensus seems to be that people's power gamble on
revolution appears to have paid off.
Egypt is economically speaking spluttering even though the prospect of a
recession seems as remote as revolution is real. And hence, Cairo's African
break is a policy that remains a gamble.
Small wonder, Egypt's African policy is raising pertinent questions as to its
precise regional role. One of the most powerful trends to emerge from the
crisis is a renewed effort to reduce economic and political dependence on the
West. Egypt needs to keep up the momentum of hoisting high the banner of people
power in the Arab world and Africa. The result is the prospect of a new cycle
of African renaissance that is led by a resurgent Egypt, one that inevitably
sidesteps much of the Western world.
The timing is right for such a gambit. The underlying rationale for a new
Africa policy in Egypt is that Cairo's new democratic dispensation perceives
good relations with Egypt's African neighbours, especially Nile Basin nations,
as a cornerstone of the expansion of the Egyptian economy. Africa's economy is
running into the headwinds. Most African nations have already undergone the
passage to Western-style multi-party democracy. However, most are realising
that democracy does not necessarily come with rapid economic growth and
abundant financial liquidity.
Egypt is a country now poised to find itself in fresh diplomatic stand-offs
with old foes, Israel for instance. Two questions arise. Can the Egyptian
economy pivot quickly to find new sources of growth other than tourism and
revenues from the Suez Canal? For Egypt to play a greater economic role in
Africa, the democratically elected government resulting from people power will
have to make a concerted drive on a series of structural reforms. It will also
hark back to the days when as a new focus on Egypt's traditional post-1952
Revolution role as a pioneer of African liberation, a trendsetter of revolution
and anti-imperialism.
"By the end of World War II, Egypt was under the brilliant governance of Gamal
Abdel-Nasser, who together with Jawaharal Nehru, heir of Mahatma Gandhi, Kwame
Nkrumah and Sékou Touré -- African leaders who together with Sukarno, then
president of the recently liberated Indonesia -- created the Non- Aligned
Movement of countries and advanced the struggle for independence in the former
colonies," commented Cuba's Fidel Castro in the wake of the 25 January
Revolution. "The death of Gamal Abdel-Nasser on 28 September 1970 was an
irreversible setback for Egypt," Castro lamented linking the July 1952
Revolution with the 25 January Revolution, or rather the course it must comply
with on the international scene.
Castro also noted that the "defeat of the United States' principal ally in the
bosom of Arab countries" as he called the regime of ex-president Hosni Mubarak
was a triumph for anti-imperialist forces worldwide. "We support the people of
Egypt and their brave fight for political rights and social justice," Castro
hailed the 25 January Revolution.
The liberal voices of the West, too, championed Egypt's revolution and echoed
Castro's commendation. "We want Egyptians to know that they have the support of
the international community as they embark on the difficult path of building a
truly democratic nation," former US president Jimmy Carter declared.
United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, not surprisingly paid tribute to
Mubarak's "difficult decision, taken in the wider interests of the Egyptian
people."
For all the heat, these are not revolutionary propositions. But they reflect
the rather guarded reactions from many of Egypt's traditional allies.
The Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union Jean Ping praised the
"peaceful and democratic power transition" in Egypt. The overall statement was
quite frankly inelegant and fell short of vociferous support for the 25 January
Revolution.
It is also true that for many years successive Egyptian governments under the
Mubarak regime were too complacent about the supposed irrelevance of Africa to
Egyptian affairs. Therefore, it is not surprising that few African countries
south of the Sahara felt the least bit of remorse or contrition for the
unceremonious ousting from office of Mubarak. Indeed, if Egypt rekindled its
romance with Africa it might succumb again to the charms of the African
continent -- cultural, commercial, economic and political.
That is a choice, alas, Egyptian foreign policy-makers under successive Mubarak
governments have been prevaricating upon long ago.
If Egypt is to boost its economic growth rates to the levels enjoyed by East
Asian nations, for instance, it needs to step up its economic and commercial
relations with other African countries. This should be possible if the new
democratically elected post-revolution government of Egypt is willing to
countenance Africa as a priority.
Yet a period of political instability in Egypt will cause serious negative
ramifications in Africa at large and the Nile Basin nations in particular will
countenance pessimistic ripple effects. African nations traditionally look
towards Egypt for leadership.
But is Cairo now in a position to provide leadership? That could be what many
in Africa fear.
Perhaps the most eloquent homage by a Western leader, ironically of African
origin, to the 25 January Revolution was uttered by United States President
Barack Obama. "Egypt will never be the same," declared President Obama.
"Egyptians have inspired us. They have done so by putting the lie to the idea
that justice best gained through violence. For in Egypt, it was the moral force
of nonviolence -- not terrorism, not mindless killing -- but nonviolence, moral
force, that bent the arc of history toward justice once more." Egyptians,
indeed, as Obama so perceptibly observed have inspired not only the US but also
the entire world.
In much the same vein other Western leaders paid tribute to the 25 January
Revolution. "Today is a day of great joy," German Chancellor Angela Merkel told
a news conference. "We are all witness to a historic change. I share the joy of
the people of Egypt, with the millions of people on the streets of the
country," Merkel declared.
"As a friend of Egypt and the Egyptian people we stand ready to help in any way
we can," pledged British Prime Minister David Cameron. French President Nicolas
Sarkozy was more forthright. "France calls on all Egyptians to continue their
march towards liberty," said Sarkozy adding, perhaps tongue in cheek, that
Mubarak's decision to step down was "courageous and necessary".
Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard described Egypt's 25 January Revolution
as a "a remarkable day for the people of Egypt". Hundreds of thousands of
Australian nationals of Egyptian origin demonstrated in support of their
compatriots in Egypt. "In their millions, Egyptians have called for change --
for an open, democratic society that offers greater opportunity for its people."
An equally plausible explanation for the relatively subdued European reactions
is that European hegemony in Africa is almost spent.
Perhaps the most amusing official reaction to the 25 January Revolution came
from Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez who derided his detractors who warned
that his 12-year rule may now come to an abrupt end by a people's uprising
similar to Mubarak's. "I laugh when some clever analysts from the Venezuelan
opposition try to compare my government with that of ex-president Hosni Mubarak
in Egypt," Chavez thundered. "There was a real dictatorship in Egypt and more
than half of the population was living in poverty, in extreme poverty. That is
the fundamental cause of the Egyptian revolution. Some want to call it the
'Twitter Revolution'. No. If there are no real conditions conducive to
revolution, no revolution can be planned via the mobile phone or Twitter,"
Chavez was quoted as telling his supporters in the Venezuelan capital Caracas.
Chavez stressed that we are not all Facebookers yet and that poverty and
deprivation and the demand for social justice are more overriding concerns than
IT and sophisticated communications methods. So is it socialism or social
networking?
"We welcome the decision of president Mubarak to step down in deference to the
wishes of the people of Egypt," Indian Foreign Minister S M Krishna stated. "We
also welcome the commitment of the Higher Council of the Armed Forces to ensure
a peaceful transition of power in a time bound manner to establish an open and
democratic framework of governance. We are proud of our traditionally close
relations with the people of Egypt and wish them peace, stability and
prosperity."
Praise from African leaders south of the Sahara was more muted. South Africa's
President Jacob Zuma praised Mubarak for "having thought like a leader, to
place the interests of Egypt above his own."
Perhaps the most vehement advocacy of the 25 January Revolution came from
Egypt's immediate African neighbour to the south, namely Sudan. "The presidency
of the republic congratulates the brotherly people of Egypt on realising their
wishes and on the triumph of their revolution," the office of Sudanese
President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir issued a statement reminding the world of
Egypt's paramount role in African affairs. "The presidency affirms its
unqualified support and stands firmly by the Egyptian people in realising their
aspirations and enhancing Egypt's position and recovering its role as a
pioneering Arab, African and Islamic country," Al-Bashir's statement read.
It is no secret that there was little love lost between President Al-Bashir of
Sudan and ex-president Mubarak. The latter suspected Al-Bashir's connivance in
the failed assassination attempt on Mubarak during a state visit to Ethiopia to
attend an African Union summit. Al-Bashir also privately accused Mubarak's
regime of tacit complicity in the secession of South Sudan. Numerous Sudanese
suspected that Egypt's failure to play a positive and decisive role in Nile
Basin politics in the past three decades and its wishy-washy and pussy-footed
attitude towards intervention in domestic Sudanese political affairs led to the
country's break-up. Few in Sudan regret Mubarak's demise. The consensus among
African leaders is that they should support his departure from the continent's
political arena
[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
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