Opinion
The Middle East feminist revolution
Women are not merely joining protests to topple dictators, they are at the 
centre of demanding social change.
Naomi Wolf Last Modified: 04 Mar 2011 17:23 GMT

Among the most prevalent Western stereotypes about Muslim countries are those 
concerning Muslim women: doe-eyed, veiled, and submissive, exotically silent, 
gauzy inhabitants of imagined harems, closeted behind rigid gender roles. So 
where were these women in Tunisia and Egypt?

In both countries, women protesters were nothing like the Western stereotype: 
they were front and centre, in news clips and on Facebook forums, and even in 
the leadership. In Egypt's Tahrir Square, women volunteers, some accompanied by 
children, worked steadily to support the protests – helping with security, 
communications, and shelter. Many commentators credited the great numbers of 
women and children with the remarkable overall peacefulness of the protesters 
in the face of grave provocations.

Other citizen reporters in Tahrir Square – and virtually anyone with a cell 
phone could become one – noted that the masses of women involved in the 
protests were demographically inclusive. Many wore headscarves and other signs 
of religious conservatism, while others reveled in the freedom to kiss a friend 
or smoke a cigarette in public.

Supporters, leaders

But women were not serving only as support workers, the habitual role to which 
they are relegated in protest movements, from those of the 1960s to the recent 
student riots in the United Kingdom. Egyptian women also organised, 
strategised, and reported the events. Bloggers such as Leil Zahra Mortada took 
grave risks to keep the world informed daily of the scene in Tahrir Square and 
elsewhere.

The role of women in the great upheaval in the Middle East has been woefully 
under-analysed. Women in Egypt did not just "join" the protests – they were a 
leading force behind the cultural evolution that made the protests inevitable. 
And what is true for Egypt is true, to a greater and lesser extent, throughout 
the Arab world. When women change, everything changes - and women in the Muslim 
world are changing radically.

The greatest shift is educational. Two generations ago, only a small minority 
of the daughters of the elite received a university education. Today, women 
account for more than half of the students at Egyptian universities. They are 
being trained to use power in ways that their grandmothers could scarcely have 
imagined: publishing newspapers - as Sanaa el Seif did, in defiance of a 
government order to cease operating; campaigning for student leadership posts; 
fundraising for student organisations; and running meetings.

Indeed, a substantial minority of young women in Egypt and other Arab countries 
have now spent their formative years thinking critically in mixed-gender 
environments, and even publicly challenging male professors in the classroom. 
It is far easier to tyrannise a population when half are poorly educated and 
trained to be submissive. But, as Westerners should know from their own 
historical experience, once you educate women, democratic agitation is likely 
to accompany the massive cultural shift that follows.

The nature of social media, too, has helped turn women into protest leaders. 
Having taught leadership skills to women for more than a decade, I know how 
difficult it is to get them to stand up and speak out in a hierarchical 
organisational structure. Likewise, women tend to avoid the figurehead status 
that traditional protest has in the past imposed on certain activists – almost 
invariably a hotheaded young man with a megaphone.

Projection of power

In such contexts – with a stage, a spotlight, and a spokesperson – women often 
shy away from leadership roles. But social media, through the very nature of 
the technology, have changed what leadership looks and feels like today. 
Facebook mimics the way many women choose to experience social reality, with 
connections between people just as important as individual dominance or 
control, if not more so.

You can be a powerful leader on Facebook just by creating a really big "us". Or 
you can stay the same size, conceptually, as everyone else on your page – you 
don't have to assert your dominance or authority. The structure of Facebook's 
interface creates what brick-and-mortar institutions - despite 30 years of 
feminist pressure - have failed to provide: a context in which women's ability 
to forge a powerful "us" and engage in a leadership of service can advance the 
cause of freedom and justice worldwide.

Of course, Facebook cannot reduce the risks of protest. But, however violent 
the immediate future in the Middle East may be, the historical record of what 
happens when educated women participate in freedom movements suggests that 
those in the region who would like to maintain iron-fisted rule are finished.

Just when France began its rebellion in 1789, Mary Wollstonecraft, who had been 
caught up in witnessing it, wrote her manifesto for women's liberation. After 
educated women in America helped fight for the abolition of slavery, they put 
female suffrage on the agenda. After they were told in the 1960s that "the 
position of women in the movement is prone", they generated "second wave" 
feminism – a movement born of women's new skills and old frustrations.

Time and again, once women have fought the other battles for the freedom of 
their day, they have moved on to advocate for their own rights. And, since 
feminism is simply a logical extension of democracy, the Middle East's despots 
are facing a situation in which it will be almost impossible to force these 
awakened women to stop their fight for freedom – their own and that of their 
communities.

Naomi Wolf is a political activist and social critic whose most recent book is 
Give Me Liberty: A Handbook for American Revolutionaries.

This article was first published by Project Syndicate.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily 
reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.



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