Buat orang Islam, si Khadfi yg katanya ditusuk pantatnya pake pisau komando itu bukanlah sedang dianiaya, hehehe...
Siapa yg ngebantai orang Indonesia di thn 1965-66? Orang Islam, bukan orang lain. >________________________________ >From: ajeg <ajegil...@yahoo.com> >To: proletar@yahoogroups.com >Sent: Monday, October 31, 2011 8:03 AM >Subject: Re: [proletar] Arab Spring claims Gaddafi > > > > >Beginiliah si mesum yang jadi pecundang. Dia paksa dirinya untuk >berkhayal mesum & menang di setiap kesempatan. > >Liat, berita seperti ini pun dia tunggangi untuk mengumbar napsunya >terhadap selangkangan. Padahal, di semua video tentang penyiksaan >Khadafy gua nggak liat ada kontol masuk pantat Khadafy seperti >hayalan bleki bau itu. Satu-satunya adegan pantat di video-video itu >adalah ditusuknya pantat Khadafy pake piso komando. Dan pers Barat >menyebut itu dengan istilah "sodomy", dan blekibau langsung >membayangkan yang enggak-enggak. Terlalu nurut sama teks, ketimbang >fakta. > >Tapi ya begitulah kekejaman antek-antek Barat yang sejak dulu >hobi mengadu domba lawannya. Kekejaman yang gak kalah dengan >kebiadaban majikannya di penjara Abu Ghraib & Guantanamo. Kekejaman >yang jejaknya bisa dilihat di setiap konflik di dunia, termasuk di >Indonesia 1965-1966. > >So, si blekibau mampunya cuma nebeng mengkhayal mesum di setiap >kesempatan. > >Ayo blek, kembangkan terus hayalan mesum lu. Elu emang penuh bakat soal >beginian. Percayalah, belum satu orang pun percaya elu tolol. >Jadi, harus usaha lebih keras lagi biar orang pada percaya.. > >--- item abu <itemabu@...> wrote: > >> Si Khadafi itu disiksa dan dibunuh oleh pejihad2 Islam. Termasuk jg >> disodomi. Ini nunjukin bhw orang Islam itu emang doyan saling >> sodomi, hehehe... >> >> Pejihad2 Islam itu doyan sekali nyiksa korbannya secara seksual, >> termasuk jg kalo korbannya udah mati. Orang Ahmadiyah di Cikeusik >> ditelanjangi bagian bawahnya sambil dibantai dgn keji, termasuk >> setelah ybs mati. Kenapa hrs ditelanjangi? Tentunya krn orang2 >> Ilsam itu doyan dgn kontol dan lobang pantat jg. >> >> Sering kali orang Islam ngebantai korbannya (ga tau disodomi dulu >> apa ga), lalu kontol si korban dipotong dan dimasukkan ke dlm >> mulutnya. Nunjukin betapa solehnya pejihad2 Islam ini, betapa >> bertaqwanya mereka ke auloh. >> >> Dan betapa terobsesinya orang2 Islam dgn kontol, memek dan lobang >> pantat. >> >> Islam itu emang agama yg benar unt para bajingan keparat. >> >> >> >> ________________________________ >> From: Sunny <ambon@...> >> >> > http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2011/1070/op5.htm >> > 27 October - 2 November 2011 >> > Issue No. 1070 >> > Opinion >> > Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 >> > Arab Spring claims Gaddafi >> > Arab leaders should know that the Arab Spring is inexorable and >> > the old status quo cannot be sustained, writes Abdel-Moneim Said >> > >> > ---------------------------------------------------------- >> > >> > Another chapter of the "Arab Spring" has just ended, very >> > gruesomely. I had no affection whatsoever for Colonel Muammar >> > Gaddafi, neither as person nor intellectually. But I did fear for >> > the image of the Arab nation that failed, here, to rise to the >> > level of historic responsibility, whether we gauge this in terms >> > of Arab mores, Islamic law or Islamic values. There is nothing in >> > the foregoing codes that would justify the murder of a captive or >> > that would sanction the desecration of the corpse of a man who, >> > however evil he may have been, was now in the hands of his >> > Creator. >> > >> > I was in the US when I heard the appalling news. That no one >> > commented on the way the Libyan leader met his demise made me >> > realise that this is what spectators there expected from the >> > Arabs. I was deeply disturbed. This was not just a "scandal"; it >> > was an ugly stain on the irreproachable revolution of the Libyan >> > people who revolted against a tyrant whose unbound megalomania >> > was fed by an extraordinary vanity. >> > >> > It has been eight months since that famous speech in which >> > Gaddafi described the Libyan people as "rats" who he would hunt >> > down through every neighbourhood, street and alleyway. If he had >> > won his battle of survival, the "glorious commander" would >> > probably have staged a pageant of executions and massacres. But >> > this was not to be his fate. The will the Libyan people >> > prevailed, with the aid of NATO that entered the fray supported >> > by the Arab League that forewent its customary reluctance to >> > touch anything American because of its connection with anything >> > Israeli. >> > >> > Certainly, one thing the Arab world should have learned from that >> > battle was that the world is far too complex to be abbreviated to >> > the Arab-Israeli conflict. Not that this was the first experience >> > of this sort. During the Bosnian war and, again, during the war >> > in Kosovo, people were asking whether it was right, let alone a >> > duty, for NATO to come to the rescue of a Muslim people. But why >> > look so far away? Following Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait, >> > people were asking whether it was right to ally with NATO >> > countries in order to rescue an Arab country from the clutches of >> > an Arab occupier. We no longer hear such questions. Maybe this >> > was the real "Arab Spring" because the blinders have been removed >> > and the Arabs can now weigh situations and positions more >> > objectively. >> > >> > But Gaddafi's death has opened another chapter for other Arab >> > countries that are still engaged in the violent struggle towards >> > what appears to be the inexorable destiny of the Arab world, in >> > which the only difference between one Arab country and the next >> > is when the revolution will erupt and how long it will take, the >> > latter variable being contingent on the temperament of the ruler >> > and his degree of ferocity. But perhaps the foremost determinant >> > of timing and potential cost is that series of reactions that >> > Arab regimes inevitably seem to have towards the current wave of >> > popular uprisings. In one way or another, they are characterised >> > by a state of denial. The ruling elites in one Arab country >> > refuse to acknowledge that what is happening in another Arab >> > country could possibly happen in theirs. >> > >> > This is all the more surprising when you consider that all Arab >> > countries share a number of common features as the consequence of >> > major structural shifts. Above all, in all of them, demographic >> > developments have brought "youth" to the fore, numerically with >> > respect to the rest of the population and qualitatively in terms >> > of such factors as breadth of knowledge, familiarity with the >> > world and, hence, frustration and anger at the gap between us and >> > the rest of the world. All Arab countries also have a growing >> > middle class that, for various reasons, has rendered it >> > impossible for the ruling elites to monopolise all the wealth. >> > Yet, these very elites continue to monopolise all the power and, >> > moreover, they have perpetuated this monopoly for so long that >> > their regimes hail from eras that in other parts of the world are >> > shrouded in the mists of time. More curiously yet, in addition to >> > their state of denial and their blindness to the demographic, >> > social and economic changes in their countries, these regimes >> > continue depend almost exclusively on their military and security >> > forces. Clearly, they are unaware that the nature of these, too, >> > has changed. As we have seen time and again, when it comes to the >> > crunch, these forces either split away in their entirety from the >> > ruling elites and side with the tide of change, as occurred in >> > Tunisia and Egypt, or they split apart, ushering in a brutal >> > civil war, as occurred in Libya and Yemen and may well happen in >> > Syria. >> > >> > The "Arab Spring" is a train hurtling towards a hazy horizon, one >> > that is unlikely to be paved entirely with roses. Already the >> > transitional phase in Egypt has brought pains no less >> > excruciating than the convulsion of the revolution itself. Yet, >> > what we do know is that no Arab society is prepared to go on >> > accepting the status quo, not only in terms of the faces at the >> > top but also and more importantly in terms of the governing >> > system. While the undeniable differences that do exist between >> > one Arab country and the next mean that these countries will not >> > follow exactly the same course of change, the fact remains that >> > all these countries must change. Furthermore, this change must be >> > radical. It must be felt by all the senses, significant enough to >> > be appreciated by the mind and the soul. They say that the best >> > way to manage the forces of change is to be at least one step >> > ahead of them. The maxim challenges all notions of band-aid >> > solutions and cosmetic repairs, but ultimately its advice is to >> > summon the resolve to abandon the old and embark on the new. >> > >> > In a recent interview, a well-known Arab official spoke of the >> > current circumstances in his country. He offered a stereotypical >> > example of the state of denial I mentioned above. He refused to >> > acknowledge that his country was like other Arab countries. Even >> > though he admitted that the demonstrations in his country have >> > been going on for some time, he shrugged them off as minor, the >> > demonstrators numbering no more than "a few hundred" or, at >> > times, "several thousand". One of the reasons that circumstances >> > in his country were unlike those in others was that reform was in >> > progress and "profound" constitutional changes had been made. But >> > when asked how profound these changes were and the extent to >> > which they restricted the ruler's executive powers he was stymied >> > for an answer. And little wonder, for the head of state in that >> > country still possesses sweeping executive powers, regardless of >> > the concessions he made here or there. To republican regimes that >> > are unable to forego emergency laws and summon the will to >> > institute the separation of powers and a system of checks and >> > balances between the authorities, change does not mean much. For >> > monarchies that cannot recognise that the time has come to make >> > the transition to a constitutional monarchy, or even to prepare >> > the awareness for such a transformation within a reasonable time, >> > revolution or violent drive for change is merely a matter of time. >> > >> > The change that is happening today the Arab world today is a far >> > cry from the wave of coups d'état that swept the region in the >> > 1950s and 1960s, when monarchical despots were overthrown and >> > replaced by republican dictators who spoke of "the people" and >> > "the masses". The Arab Spring is the culmination of a gamut of >> > changes the effects of which have accumulated over the decades >> > and that have worked to create a new critical mass in society. >> > This new demographic reality can no longer be ignored or >> > excluded. The only alternative is to cede way and give this >> > emergent segment of society the opportunity to share in power and >> > in the decision-making process, which is bound to happen anyway >> > in all Arab countries, if not today, then tomorrow. >> > >> > [Non-text portions of this message have been removed] > > > > > [Non-text portions of this message have been removed] ------------------------------------ Post message: prole...@egroups.com Subscribe : proletar-subscr...@egroups.com Unsubscribe : proletar-unsubscr...@egroups.com List owner : proletar-ow...@egroups.com Homepage : http://proletar.8m.com/Yahoo! Groups Links <*> To visit your group on the web, go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/proletar/ <*> Your email settings: Individual Email | Traditional <*> To change settings online go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/proletar/join (Yahoo! 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