-----Original Message-----
From: John Hermann <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: John Hermann <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Tuesday, 25 May 1999 5:35 PM
Subject: WATCH OUT FOR MAI MARK TWO


>ERA EMAIL NETWORK
>
>Date: Mon, 24 May 1999 19:28:19 +1100
>From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Valerie Yule)
>Subject: LL:ART: MAI Mark 2 needs watching
>
>Published in LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE, May 1999
>Transatlantic wheeling and dealing
>
>
>WATCH OUT FOR MAI MARK TWO
>by Christian De Brie
>Observatoire de la mondialisation (Globalisation watch)
>
>
>Sheltered from the hubbub of war and crisis, Europe, the United States and
>the World Trade Organisation (WTO) are devising agreements that will remove
>the final obstacles to the free play of "market forces" and require
>countries to submit to the unfettered expansion of the multinationals.
>Learning from the failure of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment
>(MAI), big business and technocrats are trying to force through a decision
>before the end of 1999.
>
>
>Translated by Malcolm Greenwood
>
>The corpse of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) hardly had
>time to get cold in the vaults of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation
>and Development (OECD) (1) before the ultra-liberal Dr Jekylls led by Sir
>Leon Brittan, the outgoing European Commission vice-president and
>Thatcherite die-hard, have tried to clone it, excitedly hoping to see new
>Draculas emerge from their test tubes by the year 2000.
>
>This urgent work is being carried out in two secret laboratories with "keep
>out" signs to deter anyone not wearing a lab coat: the Transatlantic
>Economic Partnership (TEP) and the Millennium Round of the World Trade
>Organisation.
>
>The first of these, which opened on 16 September 1998, is dedicated (though
>it will not admit it) to that favourite project of the British and the
>Americans - seeing the European Union dissolved in a free trade area with
>the United States. Following the failure of the first attempt in 1994, a
>rehashed version presented by the European Commission on 11 March 1998
>under the name NTM (New Transatlantic Marketplace) was thrown out by the
>foreign ministers of the Fifteen on 27 April.
>
>As he had done before, Brittan went back to his drawing board (without
>seeking a mandate) to come up with a disguised version of his pet scheme.
>If the 27 pages of the Commission recommendation on the negotiation of
>agreements in the field of technical barriers to trade between the EU and
>the US (2) are anything to go by, the outcome promises to be instructive.
>(An abbreviated version was approved by the Council, empowering it to
>negotiate on behalf of the member states, then by the European parliament
>in September and November 1998).
>
>On the pretext of removing "technical barriers to trade", which include
>health, social and environmental protection regulations, the ultimate aim
>is to "reach a general commitment to unconditional access to the market in
>all sectors and for all methods of supply" of products and services,
>including health, education and public contracts. In the inimitable jargon
>of the Commission, states and local authorities are required to make all
>derogations explicit in the form of "a negative freedom" given that the
>agreements negotiated apply to all the territory of the parties, regardless
>of their constitutional structures, at all levels of authority. This is
>very restrictive for the local authorities of the European countries, but
>of little risk to the US, where the federal states are not bound by
>Washington's signature in the matter.
>
>The aim is gradually to draw up common minimum regulations "based on the
>recommendations of enterprises" in order to "create new outlets" for them -
>all this in "a spirit of conviviality". Involved in the TEP talks from the
>outset, the multinationals have greatly influenced the content thanks to a
>powerful lobby that has been institutionalised for four years: the
>Transatlantic Business Dialogue (TABD) bringing together the upper crust of
>big business on both sides of the North Atlantic. Its last two-yearly
>meeting took place in Charlotte (North Carolina) in November 1998.
>
>Big business to call the tune
>
>In order to allay suspicion, they are trying to rush through the
>establishment of a Transatlantic Consumer Dialogue, a Transatlantic Labour
>Dialogue and a Transatlantic Environment Dialogue for consumers, trade
>unions and ecologists respectively, who will have to stay firmly within the
>bounds set by big business in the TABD. The latter has no intention of
>giving anything more than a half-hearted commitment to optional codes of
>conduct with no sanctions attached.
>
>Thus "hemmed in", talks proceed behind closed doors, using salami tactics
>to avoid alerting public opinion, so that everything can be sewn up by
>December 1999. Industrial goods, services, public contracts, intellectual
>property, etc. - in a dozen fields, slice by slice, "mutual recognition
>agreements" (MRA), apparently technical but in fact political, seek to
>reduce standards and regulations to the lowest common denominator. The
>outcome is that the safeguards that Europe has built up, in food, the
>environment and health in particular, are being dismantled.
>
>Once agreement has been reached, governments will be obliged to abolish any
>laws that conflict with the MRAs. And it is no surprise to find that the
>procedures will consist of meetings "at cabinet level in order to maintain
>political impetus" and between "top officials assisted where necessary by
>ad hoc or specialist groups" who will take care of everything together with
>consultants from the world of business.
>
>Talks conducted behind closed doors without democratic control aim for a
>hastily signed final agreement: the TEP follows the same aims as the MAI -
>to hand over all human activities to capital, without let or hindrance,
>thereby stripping the EU, member governments and local authorities of their
>ability to pursue their own policies, be they economic, social, cultural or
>environmental.
>
>But the document signed at the London transatlantic summit on 18 May 1998
>has another aim: to establish a US-EU condominium capable of imposing its
>will on the rest of the world, and in particular the countries of the South
>in the talks due to open at the WTO in December. The war being prosecuted,
>with the support of their governments, by transnational corporations on
>both sides of the Atlantic for the conquest and domination of world markets
>is becoming increasingly brutal and has no regard for laws. Witness
>America's extraterritorial Helms-Burton and D'Amato-Gilman acts that are
>contrary to international law; the banana war lost by the EU despite the
>LomT agreements that are no longer worth the paper they are written on; the
>disputes over hormone-contaminated meat and genetically modified organisms
>(GMOs) that contravene health regulations, to name only a few recent
>examples that have made the headlines.
>
>For example, the US food industry organisation Grocery Manufacturers of
>America has decided to challenge the European "eco-labelling" directives
>and other consumer protection legislation said to reflect "local cultural
>values" and be discriminatory in terms of international competition (3). It
>is precisely the role of the MRAs negotiated under the TEP to settle such
>disputes in the best interests of business, even if the agreement makes an
>ass of the EU (4).
>
>Encouraged by the work of his first laboratory, the insatiable Brittan, far
>from being content to deal with the outgoing Commission's current business,
>is actively preparing for the success of the second: the Millennium Round.
>The idea is to convert the meeting of the ministerial conference of the 131
>WTO member countries in Seattle in December 1999 into an enormous
>globalisation fair, where the removal of the final obstacles to capital's
>freedom of action would be negotiated pell-mell. Without any prior decision
>to that effect, public contracts, competition, product controls and
>investment would be added to the initial agenda for the revision of the
>1994 Marrakesh accords on agriculture, services and industrial property. In
>other words, it is the MAI Dracula.
>
>In the case of intellectual property and farming, for example, this would
>mean absolute compliance with patent rights in seed, especially soya and
>transgenic rice, in which American corporations hold a monopoly, and strict
>limits on member countries' rights to hold buffer stocks against the risk
>of famine. In the case of public contracts, foreign firms would have the
>same rights as national ones for all local, regional and national public
>contracts, with the contract going to the most "efficient". In competition
>matters, countries would no longer have any control over public purchase
>offers and mergers. In the name of trade facilitation, controls in ports
>and airports would be restricted to one sample or container. For investment
>the proposals are the same as the MAI, except for arbitration.
>
>The multinationals intend having their way in everything: apart from the
>Transatlantic Business Dialogue and the European Round Table of
>Industrialists, a new lobby , the Business Investment Network, is hard at
>work. The Seattle meeting looks set to be a Millennium Merry-Go-Round; come
>next June, the International Chamber of Commerce will be rallying public
>opinion in its support, while Sir Leon Brittan will be touring Southeast
>Asia, trying to win over such recalcitrant countries as India, Pakistan and
>Indonesia. But, crisis-stricken and closely dependent on the International
>Monetary Fund (IMF), most countries of the South will put up little
>resistance. The scene seems to have been set in advance for the US and the
>EU to call the tune.
>
>The WTO's negotiating methods and practices lend a hand here. Countries are
>supposed to submit their lists of requests, concessions and requests for
>debate by the end of June 1999. After that, the WTO's executive body, the
>General Council, will work behind closed doors planning the content and
>proceedings of the ministerial conference. The details of the agreements
>will be worked out in a large number of informal meetings (not even the
>list of participants will be published) and the silence of the weakest
>countries will be taken to signify acceptance.
>
>"Transparency", "deregulation", "liberalisation", "opening of markets",
>"good governance" are only matters for countries and their citizens, never
>for large corporations. There is no draft international agreement to put an
>end to what is common practice in the jungle of big business: secret
>agreements and cartels, dumping and transfer price manipulation;
>speculation and insider dealing; financial crime, tax evasion and money
>laundering; spying and piracy; surveillance and exploitation of workers,
>banning of trade unions; plundering and embezzlement of collective
>resources and common property, endemic corruption of economic channels,
>major markets and state machinery.
>
>So there seems to be nothing to prevent the transnational corporations
>taking possession of the planet and subjecting humanity to the dictatorship
>of capital. Almost all of them are based in the most powerful countries of
>the North (the US, Canada, the EU, Japan) where large-scale mergers and
>concentrations continue apace with the unconditional support of governments
>and international bodies given over to their cause. Controlling virtually
>all the means of information and communication, they meet with only
>localised and sporadic resistance as they compete relentlessly for monopoly
>control of the markets.
>
>Making people submit to the implacable logic of profit is now the only
>policy of the great powers and the organisations they control, especially
>the OECD, IMF and WTO. The havoc they cause is terrible and they do it with
>impunity: accelerated impoverishment and destruction of the social
>structures of entire populations, who are deprived of the most basic
>rights, driven from their homes and left fighting for survival; the weakest
>state collapse under the weight of structural adjustment policies and debt,
>unable to guarantee their people's security or provide a minimum of working
>public services. The consequences are a return to barbarism and ethnic
>conflict; ever more crises bringing plummeting living standards and soaring
>unemployment (5); a widespread increase in inequality and poverty, even in
>the supposedly richest countries, especially that shop window of
>liberalism, Tony Blair's Britain (6).
>
>In order to crush any thought of organised resistance to the supporters of
>this new world order, tremendous police and military forces are being used
>to establish a doctrine of repression: poverty itself is made a crime on
>the domestic front just as recalcitrant states are internationally vilified
>(7).
>
>Able in a few hours to find the billions of dollars necessary to save from
>bankruptcy the few robber barons who have eaten their fill at a speculative
>fund (LTCM), these new master of the world cannot spare even one tenth that
>amount to provide over a billion human beings with clean drinking water,
>even though 25,000 people die every day for want of it (8). They are
>streaks ahead of the tyrants of the Middle East, the Balkans or elsewhere,
>against whom we are regularly roused to great humanitarian tirades. "Water
>is life!" proclaims Vivendi (formerly GTnTrale des Eaux) in a lavish
>advertising campaign, building its wealth on organising its scarcity.
>
>In the urgency of the situation, resistance is being organised to meet the
>forthcoming onslaught. Drawing on the experience of the successful fight
>against the MAI, an international campaign of information and action is
>being organised and coordinated with the support of the trade union, social
>and community movements and questions are being asked of elected
>representatives (9). The immediate aim is a moratorium on all trade talks
>with, ultimately, supervision of the transnationals, the establishment of
>an international economic court of justice and the "deratification" of the
>agreements already signed. This is not to forget reform of the WTO which
>operates in permanent violation of the basic principles of democratic
>societies.
>
>
>(1) See "A dangerous new manifesto for global capitalism" by Lori M.
>Wallach, Le Monde diplomatique in English, February 1998.
>
>(2) "Recommendation for a Council decision, presented by the Commission"
>(undated); and "Resolution of the European Parliament", Bulletin of the
>Communities (COM.98.0125) and "Opinion of the Economic and Social
>Committee" (CES 1164.98).
>
>(3) Testimony of a leader of Grocery Manufacturers of America to the US
>Senate trade subcommittee, 28 July 1998.
>
>(4) See Jean-Claude Lefort and Jean-Pierre Page, "Double jeu autour de
>l'AMI", Le Monde diplomatique, October 1998; Jean-
>Claude Lefort, Europe-Etats-Unis: quelles relations Tconomiques?, rapport
>prTliminaire, AssemblTe Nationale, rapport d'information No. 1150.
>
>(5) To take just one example, the crisis resulted in 25 million people
>being made unemployed in East Asia.
>
>(6) "La Grande-Bretagne s'alarme de la pauvretT croissante et introduit le
>Smic horaire", Le Monde, 31 March 1999.
>
>(7) See Ignacio Ramonet, "Social democracy betrayed", Le Monde diplomatique
>in English, April 1999.
>
>(8) According to the World Health Organisation (Le Journal du dimanche, 4
>April 1999)
>
>(9) For more information, see "L'AMI clonT a l'OMC", pamphlet produced by
>Coordination contre les clones de l'AMI, Observatoire de la mondialisation,
>40, rue de Malte, 75011 Paris.
>
>
>**********************************
>In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material is
>distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest
>in receiving the included information for research and educational
>purposes.
>
>Margrete Strand Rangnes
>MAI Project Coordinator
>Public Citizen Global Trade Watch
>215 Pennsylvania Ave, SE
>Washington DC, 20003 USA
>[EMAIL PROTECTED]
>202-546 4996, ext. 306
>202-547 7392 (fax)
>
>
>

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