The Sydney Morning Herald
Monday March 20, 2000

Dumb politics wins the day 

by Marcia Langton 

Pauline Hanson and her One Nation Party are partly to blame for
the controversial mandatory sentencing laws, writes Marcia Langton.

WE are witnessing, in the polarised debate about mandatory sentencing
which provides for compulsory sentencing of offenders after three
convictions in two jurisdictions, the Northern Territory and Western
Australia, a return to the Pauline Hanson One Nation Party dumbing
down of Australian politics and policy.

Those who support it have been fed a diet of sensationalist, terrifying,
but
false statistics about crime, criminals, punishment and imprisonment and
the threat to their personal safety, homes and property.

Those who oppose it are aware that the high standards of Australia's
judicial system have been brought into disrepute and that it constitutes
an
extreme breach of accepted standards (both domestic and international)
in
relation to the discretion of the judiciary, the treatment of minors and
children in the justice system, and the application of laws to people of
different racial or ethnic backgrounds.

The United Nations' report on Australia's compliance with international
conventions in relation to the mandatory sentencing was doctored under
pressure from Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade staff at the UN.
Australian interests have not been protected by this incompetent
diplomatic pressure, however. It is global knowledge that Australia
treats
its indigenous people barbarously. What is at stake for a wealthy,
democratic, underpopulated, relatively crime-free nation like Australia,
to
flagrantly breach the International Rights of the Child, United Nations
Guidelines for the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency (The Riyadh
Guidelines), United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for Non-custodial
Measures (The Tokyo Rules), and other standards accepted by the
civilised world?

The answer lies in Australia's underbelly of racist politics in rural
Australia.

The Country Liberal Party, a curious branch of conservative politics
with
its origins in the northern colonial frontier, has been in power in the
NT
for 25 years. It has remained there by using race fear slogans and
policies
to incite recent arrivals from the south to believe the CLP is the only
political party capable of protecting them from the menace of the
surrounding Aboriginal population. The demographic features of the
Territory cast some light on the nature of this problem: just over
180,000
people live in the NT, mainly in towns. The 50,000 Aboriginals live
mostly in small, remote communities.

The Aboriginal menace which they postulate as the most severe threat to
their lifestyle is entirely a construction of the CLP strategy rooms.
The
relationship of mandatory sentencing to the electoral machinations of
the
CLP is to be found in the timing of its introduction by the former Chief
Minister, and now president of the Liberal Party of Australia, Shane
Stone, to the Legislative Assembly of the Northern Territory.

Mandatory sentencing was introduced in 1977 and coincides with the
surge of popularity of Hanson's appeal to the electorate based on the
most
primitive right-wing stances in 1997: racism, anti-immigration policies,
anti-single parent social support, flat tax rate policies, the death
penalty,
RSL-style jingoism and the retarded commonsense values of the yobbo.
Mandatory sentencing snatched attention from Hanson's campaign to
recruit members to new One Nation branches in the CLP heartland, the
northern suburbs of Darwin, Humpty Doo, Katherine and elsewhere.

Prior to its introduction, the imprisonment rates for all Territorians
were
already four times the national rate. But the imprisonment rate for
Aboriginals was 13 times the national rate, and more than three times
the
general rate for Territorians. It should be noted that the imprisonment
rate
for Aboriginal people from the Groote Eylandt communities (home of the
15-year-old found hanged in his cell in a youth detention centre in
Darwin
recently) was the highest in Australia.

My own study of these extraordinary features of the NT justice system
(as an employee of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in
Custody from 1989 to 1990) revealed that 70 per cent of the prison
population of the Territory was Aboriginal; 95 per cent male; 60 per
cent
had been previously imprisoned; 74 per cent were unemployed; 60 per
cent admitted that their offences were alcohol-related; 54 per cent were
single; 45 per cent had a primary or lower education level; the usual
offence categories were driving or property related; 48 per cent of the
prisoners were under the age of 25; 34 per cent were in prison for
unpaid
fines for an average of seven days. And 64 per cent of convicted
prisoners served less than three months. I reported to the commissioner
the evident and alarming problem of minors arrested and imprisoned for
theft of food and other minor offences, and recommended that the then
emerging non-custodial options for sentencing be supported, and, in
particular, that jail be a last resort. I also reported that there was
an urgent
need for residential and counselling facilities for those with alcohol
and
behavioural problems.

The Aboriginal people who spoke to me during the consultations took the
view that young people, especially minors, should not be jailed, that
jail
converted the young with a propensity for youthful misdemeanours into
recidivist criminals. They wanted minor offenders brought to brook under
customary law mechanisms, a course of action that had proved far more
successful than imprisonment of young males in faraway towns. Their
own customary legal system is strict and rigorous, offering a range of
punishments, such as confinement of offenders to camps in the bush
where they are instructed in the philosophy and values of their society
under a harsh ritual discipline. Physical or corporal punishments, such
as
public spearing, are relatively rare and applied only in the case of
major
breaches of the accepted standards of behaviour, such as ritual offences
and homicide.

The principal and most important of the commission's recommendations
was that imprisonment should be a last resort, and not only for
Aboriginal
people. The patterns of imprisonment show that the lives of thousands of
young Australians who had committed minor offences are being
needlessly wasted by the vestigial 19th century attitudes of governments
to punishment and imprisonment.

There is no evidence that imprisonment rehabilitates offenders. There is
no evidence that imprisonment reduces crime rates.

What remains astonishing, after the Royal Commission, the government
reporting process and a decade-long national debate on these issues, is
the
waste of taxpayers' money involved in imprisoning children, youth and
other harmless sections of the population, on the basis of race, poverty
and other markers of difference.

It now costs about $50,000 annually to jail someone. This far exceeds
the
cost of the typical offence to the community, and in no way represents
an
investment in the future ability of the typical offender to contribute
to
society.

There are no rational, constructive reasons for mandatory sentencing,
other than the electoral welfare of politicians from remote seats where
racism plays an inordinate part in public life and keeps in power
political
parties that can only succeed by outdoing Hanson.

In the most dreadful and shameful of ways, the One Nation Party has
succeeded. By accepting mandatory sentencing, our judicial system, and
civil society, have fallen below the standards of civilised society.

Professor Marcia Langton holds the chair of Indigenous Studies at
the University of Melbourne.
-- 
_________________________________
Truth is a pathless land. --- Krishnamurti
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